Anna Hazard Basker 2/17/2019 Anna Hazard Barker Ward (1813-1900) - Find A Grave Memorial ? Find A GRAVE Anna Hazard Barker Ward BIRTH 25 Oct 1813 New York, New York County (Manhattan), New York, USA DEATH 1900 (aged 86-87) BURIAL Mount Auburn Cemetery Cambridge, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, USA Photo added by Jim Stevens PLOT Walnut Ave, Lot 235 MEMORIAL ID 85689865 View Source The courtship of Anna Barker and Samuel Ward has been immortalized by the author Eleanor M Tilton in her article titled "The True Romance of Anna Hazard Barker and Samuel Grey Ward", published in the journal Studies in the American Renaissance in 1987. Anna and Samuel had at least 4 children: Anna Barker Ward who married Joseph Thoron, Lydia Gray Ward who married Richard Von Hoffman, Thomas Wren Ward who married Sophia Read Howard, and Elizabeth Barker Ward who married Ernst Augustus Shoenberg. Family Members Parents Spouse Jacob Samuel Barker Gray Ward 1778-1871 1817-1907 ? Elizabeth Hazard Barker 1783-1866 Siblings Children ? William ? Anna Hazard Barker Barker Ward 1809-1879 Thoron 1842-1875 Sarah Barker ? Thomas Harrison Wren Ward Hunt 1844-1940 1819-1908 Abraham Barker 1821-1906 Maintained by: Jim Stevens Originally Created by: Graves Added: 25 Feb 2012 Find A Grave Memorial 85689865 Find A Grave, database and images (https://www.findagrave.com: accessed 17 February 2019), memorial page for Anna Hazard Barker Ward (25 Oct 1813-1900), Find A Grave Memorial no. 85689865, citing Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, USA ; Maintained by Jim Stevens (contributor 47249634) . https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/85689865/anna-hazard-ward 2/3 The biographical Dictionary of Transcendentalism. W.T. llott (ed.) westport, CT: greenwood, 1996 264 WARD, ANNA HAZARD BARKER ing Locke* and the advances of science and technology. Despite his philo- scender sophical conservatism, W believed in education reform, although his reasons Tappan have nothing to do with individualism. In the NAR (29 [July 1829]), in an article After called "On Popular Education," he supports broad-based education of the lower of Eurc classes, arguing in favor of the lyceum** system and for the necessity of in- renewed expensive books on basic topics, written with simple approaches. He does not in the r want to do away with the class system; in fact, he reassures the privileged that branch. they will get smarter at the same rate as the poor and SO maintain their supe- that her riority (252). One motive for education reform is to protect the Republic from to Emer "demagogues" who might take advantage of an ignorant electorate (258). letter W With REFERENCES: See the NAR 38 (January 1834) for more on W's mechanism. See Miller (1950) for a contemporary view of W and excerpts from his article on Carlyle, 39-43. poems Stephen N. Orton lished i submiss WARD, ANNA HAZARD BARKER (1813-?), is best known for her beauty, by W, her friendship with the Transcendentalists, and her marriage to S. G. Ward.* Dante,' Often referred to as a Southern belle, in actuality she was born in New York a literar City to Quaker * parents and was raised in New England. She was a descendant nassus of Benjamin Franklin. AB was 21 when the family relocated in New Orleans After after a series of financial setbacks. venture A's father, Jacob Barker, was noted for his flamboyancy and his love of public and esta attention. Her mother, in contrast, was described as quiet, Quaker-simple, and ited wit naturally elegant; from her mother A apparently inherited her own beauty and in the I charm. These qualities most enthralled R. W. Emerson* and the other Tran- to New scendentalists. AB was one of M. Fuller's* "diamonds"- distinction given his life. to Fuller's bright young friends whom Elizabeth Hoar* described as being dis- REFEREN played by Fuller as diamonds around her neck. However, B shocked her Tran- SGW (1 scendentalist friends by first refusing the marriage proposal of S. G. Ward and Thomas later suddenly changing her mind and hastily marrying him. win, "T Strauch, REFERENCES: Although little information is available on ABW, Eleanor M. Tilton, "The (winter True Romance of AHB and Samuel Gray Ward," SAR 1987, and David Baldwin, "The and SG Emerson-Ward Friendship: Ideals and Realities," SAR 1984, are helpful. ABW's diary of Lette of 1845 to 1852 is in the S. G. Ward Collection at the Massachusetts Historical Society. Simmon For anecdotal material, see E. T. Emerson,* The Life of Lidian Jackson Emerson* (1980). Big, Lit Barbara Downs Wojtusik Berkshir WARD, SAMUEL GRAY (1817-1907), was involved in Transcendentalism through his long friendship with R. W. Emerson* and other of its associates. Early in his life, W met E. Channing* when they both attended Round Hill WARE School, an experimental, private school in Northampton, Massachusetts. Later, ister of at Harvard, W was a classmate of J. Very.* Also in Cambridge he met Anna Unitaria Barker [Ward],* whom he eventually married. In 1835 W became acquainted etistic e with M. Fuller,* who became his literary mentor and frequent companion. scender Through Fuller, W was introduced to Emerson and his circle of budding Tran- Ware ( 840 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. that man had still an important mission to his fellow-men, and that it was best fulfilled by the interlacing of nations and races. For this end, he believed that commerce was to be the principal means, and that, by becom- ing the representative of one of the greatest commercial houses which bind together the four quarters of the globe, he could be the means of working for men. For this end he acted. During the Rebellion, Mr. Ward was a warm supporter of the govern- ment. At his office, 28 State Street, gathered the representative business men of Boston; and there were proposed and carried out many valuable measures in harmony with the ideas of Governor Andrew. Mr. Ward's views of humanity were of the largest kind, both in busi- ness transactions, in politics, and in social life. His house was a gather- ing-place for the wise, the good, and the most brilliant men and women of the day. He was one of the founders and original trustees of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. 17. IX. 241. Anna Hazard Barker, the wife of Samuel G. Ward, born in New York City. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of Jacob and Elizabeth (Hazard) Barker, of New York. Elizabeth Haszard Barker [2. IX. 13] is her niece. Her ancestry includes the following families : Barker, Williams, Prince, Collier, Folger, Gibbs, Morrill, Barnard, Barnard, Hervey, Folger, Gibba, Morrill, Gardner, Frier, Shattuck, Church, Severance, Coffin, Thember, Stevens, Bunker, Godfrey, Look, Bunker, Godfrey, Hazard, Brownell, Borden, Earle, Robinson, Allen, Bacon, Potter, Hazard, Wilson, Rodman, Clark, Scott, Willett, Borden, Clayton, Wanton, Freeborn, Brownell. See ANCESTRY TABLES 106 17. IX. 243. Mary Gray Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston. Residences : Boston, Mass., and Bar Harbor, Maine. Mrs. Dorr is a woman of decided views, is fond of sketching, and devotes much time to society. Her tastes are cultivated, and she has travelled all over the world. 9/12/2017 Jacob Barker (1778 1871) Find A Grave Memorial Changes are coming to Find A Grave. See a preview now. Jacob Barker Birth: Dec. 18, 1778 Swans Island Hancock County Maine, USA Death: Dec. 26, 1871 Philadelphia Philadelphia County Pennsylvania USA 92y Married Banker 1118 Walnut Street, 7th Ward Philadelphia Inquirer, December 27, 1871 "DEATH OF JACOB BARKER Jacob Barker, one of the oldest residents of Philadelphia, died yesterday morning at the home of Abraham Barker, Esq., one of his sons, on Spruce street. The deceased was born December 18, 1778, on Swan Island, at the mouth of the Kennebec River, Maine. At the age of 16 he left home and passed a year at school in New Bedford. He commenced business in a store in Nantucket, but, tempted by love of adventure, shipped as a green hand Added by: Nelson Bolton on a packet for New York, with the intention of visiting the East Indies. He abandoned the idea, and on reaching New York entered the RETURN OF A DEATH commission house of Isaac Hicks. IN THE CITY OF PHILADILPHIA. PHYSICIAN'S CERTIFICATE In 1801 he commenced business on his own 1. Name of Deceased, account and at the outset of his career was 2. Color, Which ruined financially by the failure of an Irish S. Sex, Mah 4. Age, merchant for whom he had indorsed heavily. Minely m 5. Married or Single, He recovered rapidly, however, and at the 6. Date of Death, Dra. 26, 1871 outbreak of the second war with Great Britain 7. Cause of Death, Debility became interested in raising national loans, in which work he was very successful. With the Residence, 1431 spoush extension of his business he opened a banking house on Wall street. Through the failure of a UNDERTAKER'S CERTIFICATE IN RELATION TO DECEASED. Liverpool Bank this was obliged to close its 8. Occupation, doors. He then removed to New Orleans, banker 9. Place of Birth, Manhuchel mails. where he was successful in business, and at Name of Father, 10. When a Minor, the outbreak of the Rebellion was one of the Name of Mother, largest capitalists there and a staunch Union 11. Ward, yed man. The war ruined his business and he came 12. Street and Number, 1118 Halnut M. to Philadelphia about two years since. He was 13. Date of Burial, 12 me 29 1871 elected United States Senator under the 14. Place of Burial, north Laury Hill Johnson administration, but found the doors of H.Heeacock Undertaker. Congress closed to him." Residence, 907 Filbert sh Added by: Meges 9/12/2017 Jacob Barker (1778 - 1871) Find A Grave Memorial Jacob Barker (1779-1871) was an American financier and lawyer. He was born in Swan Island, Maine, in 1779, of Quaker parentage. He went to New York at the age of 16, engaged in trade, and soon amassed a considerable fortune. Beginning in 1811, Fitz-Greene Halleck was employed by him for twenty years. Early in the War of 1812 he was instrumental in securing a loan of $5,000,000 for the national government. In 1815, he founded the Exchange Bank of New York. He was a member of the New York State Cemetery Photo Senate in 1816. Subsequently he became Added by: Russ interested in many other large financial institutions in the city, including the Life and Fire Insurance Company, on the failure of which in 1826 he, with a number of others, was arrested on a charge of conspiracy to defraud. At first he acted as his own lawyer, Added: Apr. 28, 2014 however, eventually eminent attorneys Benjamin F. Butler and Thomas Addis Emmet (1764-1827) were counsels for his defense. The jury disagreed on the first trial and convicted Barker on the second trial; but an appeal was granted and the indictment was finally quashed. He removed to New Orleans in 1834, became prominent in financial circles, was admitted to the bar, and practiced with success in insurance cases. In the 1840s he collaborated with Rowland G. Hazard to secure the release of free African-Americans who were being illegally detained in Louisiana under the assumption they were escaped slaves. [1] At the close of the American Civil War he was elected to the United States Senate, but Louisiana not having been readmitted to the Union, he was not allowed to take his seat. In 1867 he was declared bankrupt and spent the last few years of his life with his son in Philadelphia. Family links: Parents: Robert Barker (1723 - 1780) Sarah Folger Barker (1739 - 1833) Spouse: Elizabeth Hazard Barker (1783 - 1866)* - Children: William Hazard Barker (1809 - 1879)* Anna Hazard Barker Ward (1813 - 1900)* Sarah Barker Hunt (1819 - 1908)* Abraham Barker (1821 - 1906)* *Calculated relationship Burial: Ancistral Line ( Hagard of mr Jamnel 5. Warl. 6.1813 Thomas Hagard founder newport R.V, with others 1610 - 1680. married Martha. / son, 3 daughters. sm) Robert Hagard of Partsmonth i' I and 1635 - 1710. married many Brownell 1639-1739 Large Land owner 3 s o ns . 3 daughters (sm) Thomas Huzardo of Narragansett R. 1. 1660-1746. owned married this suppress Susannal nichols nearly 4000 acres. 7 sms, 3 daughters. (san) Robert Hazand of Narriagement R.I. Large Land holder. 1689 - 1762. marred Sarah Borden 2. 1694. 4 sono, 2 daughters. (son) Thomas Hugand of South Kingstown R.I. He Tom), was R Leaker. and preached. ( called 1720-1298. College married Elizabeth daughter of En. William Robinson 4 snes, / daughter- SMC.) Thomas Hajard as Cranston R.L. new Bed Ford 2 new York 1758. Bedford 1828. merried anna Rodman 1762-1345. - of Nurport. HL Both callee Tom) (of made a fortune in whating. 46 sares, 4 laughleps T. itagend and nuncy " Rodman anna Rodman and her sisters, is was such were Due kers, "nacoport The garden of america - these 3 The choices flowers Therom.") chingher E Haguet 3. at cranston R.I. 1783-1966, married 1801 Jacob Banker She was Uneried in The Friends' Ground Brook lyn n . . . 8 sass, 4 claughters. Langhiss Anna Hazura Marker 1813 1 married 1840. Samuel Gray Ward of Boston T nein childr ex were anna Barker Ward 1241 -1875. married Joseph Marie antoini Therm Lydia bucey Warse 2.1843 m, Richard Fracherr von Hoffman Thomas Wien Ward b. 1844 m. Sophia Read Howard. ELijabeih Barter Ward r. 1847. m. Ernst Baron Ernst augustus Schoenberg of Roth is Schoonberg Saxony 18 Apul 2012 The Bache Try of Colony +county. Basher Newhall " post Burpercia a very versati be & active uor one of the shreekest beesiven men of he dg, a able bonber ad a cauled student of political energy but also a successful lderger + politicia [eventulf] become ultimately the second layed deposite on the United State "wh Fulta bult he proof steamboat, Bade imported th first Morne engine into th U.Smy fut to advorte the hulty of the Eve Canad 1834 he road to Valleon, opposed th secession of foregina, tim 1565 wa elected to Congress but us not pervitte to toh his seat. He received the partnel f Walijin f the White House at the uh British theatend city; at Dollyllcaligm rego wel la carried it to sofety. Taulve Children, incl. Elizabeth Hospod Bachel 7/4/1817- 3. Jacob (naue (8/27/1801) Eligible, dae of Thomas to Anna (Rodman) Hzzard of New bedford, Data (12/2/1783- 9/18/1861) 6/11/2018 Abraham Barker (1821-1906) I WikiTree FREE Family Tree Wiki free First Name Barker login Where genealogists collaborate Abraham Barker (1821 - 1906) Abraham Barker Search Born 3 Jun 1821 in New York City, New York County, New York, United States Searching for someone else? First: Abraham Last: Ba Son of Jacob Barker and Elizabeth (Hazard) Barker ANCESTORS GO Brother of Robert Barker, Robert H Barker, Thomas Hazard Barker, William Hapgood Barker, Andrew Sigourney Barker, Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward, Jacob Barker Jr and Sarah (Barker) Hunt Husband of Sarah (Wharton) Barker - married 3 Jun 1842 [location unknown] Search for your ance [children unknown] Died 8 Apr 1906 in New York City, New York, United States Q Who are you looking 1 Profile manager: Gurney Thompson [send private message] Abraham Profile last modified 2 May 2018 I Created 1 May 2018 This page has been accessed 23 times. Barker Categories: Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Stockbrokers. Roughly when were they born? 1821 SEAL Biography DNA Connections It may be possible to confirm fam with Abraham by comparing test Abraham was born in 1821. He was the son of Jacob Barker. He passed away in 1906. carriers of his ancestors' Y-chrom mitochondrial DNA. However, the Sources yDNA or mtDNA test-takers in his maternal line. It is likely that these test-takers will share DNA with Ab 1850 United States Federal Census, Year: 1850; Census Place: Philadelphia Dock Gurney Thompson : Anc Ward, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Roll: M432_817; Page: 471A; Image: 535, Ancestry member gurns; Ancestry.com Operations Inc. (2009), 1850 Census 1860 United States Federal Census, Year: 1860; Census Place: Cheltenham, Have you taken a DNA test for ger Montgomery, Pennsylvania; Roll: M653_1143; Page: 109; Family History Library login to add it. If not, see our frier Film: 805143, Ancestry.com Operations Inc. (2009), 1860 Census DNA. 1870 United States Federal Census, Year: 1870; Census Place: Philadelphia Ward 7 Dist 18 (2nd Enum), Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Roll: M593_1420; Page: 727B; Family History Library Film: 552919, Ancestry.com Operations iNc. (2009), 1870 Census Collaboration U.S., Find A Grave Index, 1600s-Current (Laurel Hill Cemetery - Philadelphia, PA), Find A Grave Memorial Login to edit this profile. North America, Family Histories, 1500-2000, The Hazard family of Rhode Private Messages: Send a Island : 1635-1894 : being a genealogy and history of the descendants of, Page to the Profile Manager. (B 198, Hazard Family an issue.) Public Comments: Login t messages specifically dire the Genealogist-to-Genea Forum. (Best for anything wider genealogy commun MORE GENEALOGY TOOLS ASK QUESTION Sponsored by MyHeritage We found records about Abraham BARKER ******* MARRIAGE LICENSE UNITED STATIS Birth Certificate OF AMERICA SCHEDULE War Ration Beach One 679 Birth 314 Marriage 233 Death 551 Census 19 Military Records Records Records Records Records Start a new search First Name Last Name Year of birth Search B > Barker > Abraham Barker WIKITREE HOME ABOUT BLOG G2G FORUM HELP | SEARCH IMPORTANT PRIVACY NOTICE & DISCLAIMER: YOU HAVE A RESPONSIBILITY TO USE CAUTION WHEN DISTRIBUTING PRIVATE INFORMATION. WIKIT SENSITIVE INFORMATION BUT ONLY TO THE EXTENT STATED IN THE TERMS OF SERVICE AND PRIVACY POLICY. C 2008 - 2018 - - INTERESTING.COM, INC. CONTENT MAY BE COPYRIGHTED BY WIKITREE COMMUNITY MEMBERS. https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Barker-9747 2/2 6/11/2018 Sarah (Wharton) Barker (1821-1866) I WikiTree FREE Family Tree Wiki Tree First Name Wharton login Where genealogists collaborate Sarah (Wharton) Barker (1821 - 1866) Sarah Barker formerly Wharton Search Born 10 Dec 1821 in Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States a Searching for someone else? First: Sarah Last: Ba Daughter of William Wharton and Deborah (Fisher) Wharton ANCESTORS d GO Sister of Hannah (Wharton) Haydock, Rodman Wharton, Charles William Wharton, Joseph Wharton, Mary_(Wharton) Thurston, William Wharton Jr, Samuel Wharton, Anna Wharton and Esther Fisher (Wharton) Smith Wife of Abraham Barker - married 3 Jun 1842 [location unknown] [children unknown] Search for your ance Died 29 Dec 1866 in Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States ? Who are you looking Profile manager: Ann Johnson [send private message] Sarah Profile last modified 1 May 2018 I Created 12 Sep 2010 This page has been accessed 237 times. Wharton Categories: Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Roughly when were they born? 1821 SEAL Biography DNA No known carriers of Sarah's ance mitochondrial DNA have taken an Sarah Wharton, b. Dec. 10, 1821; m. June 3, 1842, Abraham Barker, son of Jacob Barker no close relatives have taken a 23 by his wife Eliza Hazard. AncestryDNA, or Family Tree DNA test. She d. Dec. 29, 1866. Have you taken a DNA test for ger Parents: login to add it. If not, see our frier DNA. William Wharton (1790 - 1856) Deborah Fisher Wharton (1795 - 1888) Spouse: Collaboration Abraham Barker (1821 - 1906) Login to edit this profile. Children: Private Messages: Send a to the Profile Manager. (B Jacob, b. June 18, 1843, d. March 13, 1851. an issue.) William Wharton, b. July 27, 1844; d. Nov. 3, 1844. Public Comments: Login to Wharton, b. May 1, 1846 ; m. Margaret C. Baker. messages specifically dire Abraham, b. Sept. 29, 1849 ; d. June 6, 1851. editing this profile. Limit 2 Sigourney, b. May 15, 1852. Public Q&A: These will app Deborah Fisher, b. Dec. 28, 1854; m. Edward Mellor. the Genealogist-to-Genea Sources 1850 United States Federal Census, Year: 1850; Census Place: Philadelphia Dock Ward, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Roll: M432_817; Page: 471A; Image: 535, Ancestry.com Operations Inc. (2009), 1850 Census 1860 United States Federal Census, Year: 1860; Census Place: Cheltenham, Montgomery, Pennsylvania; Roll: M653_1143; Page: 109; Family History Library Film: 805143, Ancestry.com Operations Inc. (2009), 1860 Census U.S., Find A Grave Index, 1600s-Current (Laurel Hill Cemetery - Philadelphia, PA), Find A Grave Memorial 1. I By. Anne H. Wharton:; Genealogy of the Wharton Family of Philadelphia, 1664 to 1880:;Historical Society of Pennsylvania:; Philadelphia:; 1880;: page 39 https://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=122662798 Source S-2091054882 Repository: #R-2091054883 Title: Ancestry Family Trees Publication: Online publication - Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com. Original data: Family Tree files submitted by Ancestry members. Note: This information comes from 1 or more individual Ancestry Family Tree files. This source citation points you to a current version of those files. Note: The owners of these tree files may have removed or changed information since this source citation was created. No REPO record found with id R-2091054883. This person was created through the import of Howland Mayflower-dude.ged on 12 September 2010. The following data was included in the gedcom. You may wish to edit it for readability. MORE GENEALOGY TOOLS Sponsored by MyHeritage https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Wharton-18 2/3 The Barker Family of Plymouth Colony and County. BY BARKER NEWHALL, PH. D. 11 Press of The F. 'V. Roberts Co., Cleveland. 1002L 3571 5.6 1950 1556 CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION 3 I. Sources of the History 3 2. Origin of the Family 4 3. Landmarks and Heirlooms 7 SIGNS AND ABBREVIATIONS II DRSCENDANTS OF ROBERT BARKER I2 DESCENDANTS OF JOHN BARKER 75 APPENDIX 90 INDEX 91 INTRODUCTION. 1. Sources of the History. The starting-point for a gencalogy of the descendants of Robert Barker, of Duxbury, is an essay by Hannah Barker (341), written in 1830, and a chart that is supposed to have been drawn up by Dr. Joshua5 Barker (137). Hannah Barker obtained the genealogical material from Bethiah Barker (129) and from her father, Isaac5 Barker (190), who had conversed on the subject with Mary3 Barker (31), born 1677, died 1772. Both essay and chart, however, contain many errors, and neither give any dates. The former have been corrected, the latter supplied, and many missing names restored by a careful examination of the town records of Duxbury, Pembroke, Scituate, Marshfield, Hanover, Dartmouth, Abington and Charlestown, by searching the deeds and wills of Plymouth Co. and the church records of Pembroke, Scituate, Hanover and Marshfield, and the archives of the Pem- broke and Nantucket Monthly Meetings of Friends. Occa- sional assistance has been also derived from Lincoln's History of Hingham, Winsor's Duxbury, Deane's Scituate, and Barry's Han- over, Briggs' "Shipbuilding on North River" and "Records of Hanover," Edes''Memorial of Josiah Barker," and Noyes' "Barker Pedigree" (Reg. 1899). Especial acknowledgment for helpful suggestions and valuable material is due to Miss Susan A. Smith of No: Pembroke, Miss Susan B. Willard of Hingham, Mary A. Albertson of Philadelphia, Dr. Edw. T. Tucker of New Bedford, and Dr. L. V. Briggs (v. John, 30) of Boston. The latter gen- erously allowed the author to examine the exhaustive abstracts of Barker deeds máde by him at Plymouth, and Mr. W. W. Bryant of Brookline kindly gave access to the genealogical manu- scripts of his mother, who was, during her lifetime, the chief au thority on Pembroke history. The members of the Barker family 3 who have rendered the most assistance in the collection of data from private sources are Abraham Barker (307) of Philadelphia, Edward T. Barker (562) of Boston, Miss Florence S. Barker (541) of Norwell and Miss Eleanor B. Barker of Hanson (John, 162), while many others have contributed important facts. Mr. Jesse J. Barker of Philadelphia (of the Delaware family) per- nuitted the use of his very full manuscript notes on all the Barker families of America (v. 5 ) The genealogy of John Barker's descendants is much less com- plete than the record of his brother's family, because there is no family tradition upon which to base an investigation, so that original records, often defective. are our only source of informa- tion, and because many members of this family early emigrated to distant places, where all trace of them has been lost. 2. Origin of the Family, This work is confined to the descendants of Robert and John Barker of Plymouth Colony (as early as 1632), but there are several other distinct families of this name, which trace their origin to the early settlers of this country. There is a group of Barkers about Concord* (Mass.), who are derived from Francis (1646), another around Rowley and Ipswich, who begin with John. Others descend from Richard of Andover (1643), while there are families at Branford, Pomfret, and other Connecticut towns. The Rhode Island family, which includes the Berkshire branch, comes from James of Newport** (1634), the Delaware line from Samuel of Newcastle Co. (1685), while the N. H. and Maine families originated mainly at Ipswich; the Virginia branch came from Pennsylvania, and the various groups*** scat- tered through the state of New York appear, in most cases, to have emigrated from Connecticut. Even in Plymouth Co., Mass., persons of this name are occasionally found in the early records, who cannot readily be connected with either Robert or John Barker (v. Appendix). It is not probable that all persons bearing the same name are descended from a common ancestor even in England, for, when *This is being investigated by J. Herbert Barker of No. Cambridge, Mass. Their gencalogy appears in J. O. Austin's "160 Allied Families"; J. J. Barker of Philadelphia has a fuller list. *Some of these lines are traced in J. C. Parshall's "Barker Genealogy." 4 170 Abraham5 (81, 25, 4, I) in. May 17, 1809, Priscilla, dau. of Gerard and Rachel (Wilson) Hopkins of Baltimore, b. Dec. 4, 1780. Children: 295 Sarah, b. Feb. 28, 1810, d Jan. 29, 1845. 296 Henry Hopkins, b. Dec. 19, 1811, d. Dec. 3, 1858. 297 Ann Mifflin, b. May 21, 18I3, d. Mar. I, 1899. I72 Jacob5 (8I, 25, 4, I) III. Aug. 27, 1801, Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas and Anna (Rodman) Hazard of New Bedford, b. Dec. 2, 1783, d. Sept. 18, 1861. Children: 298 Robert, b. June II, 1802, d. Sept. 28, 1803. 299 Robert, b. July 20, 1804, d. Dec. 24, 1830. 300 Thomas Hazard, b. June 21. 1807, d. 1846. 301 William Hazard, b. Aug. 21, 1809. d. Sept. 17, 1879. 302 Andrew Sigourney, b. Nov. 11, 1811, d., Aug. II, 1846. 303 Anna Hazard, b. Oct. 25, 1813, 304 Jacob, b. May 23. 1816, d. Apr. 27. 1842. 305 Elizabeth Hazard, b. July 4. 1817, d. May 1878. 306 Sarah, b. July 27, 1819, 307 Abraham, b June 3, 1821, 308 Mary. b. June 28, 1823, d. Jan. 9, 1826, 309 John Wells, b. Dec. 18, 1825, d. Dec. 18, 1825 .R.J. Jacob5 Barker was a very versatile and active man. Nou only was he one of the shrewdest business men of his day, an able banker and a careful student of political economy, but also a suc- cessful lawyer and politician. When only twenty-one years of age, he was engaged in the commission business in New York and owned five vessels, becoming ultimately the second largest ship- owner in the United States. He employed chiefly Nantucket cap- tains for his vessels. When Fulton built his first steamboat, Jacob Barker imported the first marine engine into this country, and as his trade extended to European countries, especially to Russia, he was commissioned to buy and sell ships for several foreign governments. During the war of 1812, all of his ships were captured by the British, but, in spite of these enormous losses, he raised nearly $8,000,000 for the government, saying, "If the country breaks, I want to break with it." He founded 36 JACOB BARKER. 37 the Exchange Bank in 1815, established the "Union" newspaper, and was the first to advocate the building of the Erie Canal. In politics he was an ardent follower of Jefferson, an original mem- ber of Tammany Hall, and nominated Jackson for President in 1820. He also served a term in the State Senate. In 1834 he removed to New Orleans, where he was admitted to the bar, and later engaged in banking. He opposed the secession of Louisiana, and in 1865 was elected to Congress, but was not permitted to take his seat. Having lost his large fortune by the war, he came to Philadelphia, and lived with his son Abraham until his death. He never received a dollar of the money that he raised in 1812, as he steadfastly refused to compromise his claim. One of the many dramatic incidents in his life was his rescue of the portrait of Washington from the White House, when the city was threatened by the British; at the request of Dolly Madison he carried it to a place of safety, while everyone else was-hastily leaving the city. The shrewdness of Jacob Barker is illustrated by the following story. When only a boy in the employ of Hicks Bros., he arranged for the insurance of a vessel already at sea, but the company was very slow to sign the policy, hoping to escape the liability. At last Mr. Barker announced that they had heard from the ship. The greedy agent, supposing the vessel to be safe, at once signed the policy and delivered it, but was greatly discomfited to learn that the ship was lost and his company was liable for a large amount. 173 Phebe3 (82, 25, 4, 1) 111. Mar., 1810, Jonathan Wheeler, b. Sept. 27, 1748, d. May 26, 1825. 175 Elizabeth (82, 25, 4, 1) in. Ebenezer, son of Thomas and Mary (Fitch) Bailey. 176 Latham3 (82, 25, 4, 1) in. Jan. 6, 1782, Sarah Osborne, dati. of Peter Fitch and widow of Samuel Osborne, b. Sept. 21, 1750, d. Aug. 2, 1829. 181 Hepsabeth (83, 25, 4, I) III. May 24, 1774, William Ham- mett of Boston. 182 Eunice5 (83, 25, 4, I) in. May 28, 1778, Peleg, son of Peleg and Elizabeth Coffin of Nantucket, b. Nov. 3, 1756, d. 1784+ [N. F.]. Hathi Trust 9/25/13 The Hazard family of Phade Island 1835-1894. Caroline E. Robinson. Boston: 1895. EIGHTH GENERATION 197 § 1191. MARY RODMAN HOWLAND, 8 (Sarah Hazard, 7; Thomas, 6; Thomas, 5 ; Robert, 4; Thomas, 3 Robert, 2 ; Thomas, 1), was born in New York City, November 26, 1810; she married, March 12, 1830, Morris, son of William Ferris Pell, of New York, and Mary Shipley, of London. CHILDREN 2104. JOHN HOWLAND PELL, born Dec. 23, 1830; died Oct. 6, 1882; married, 1st, Cornelia Corse; married, 2d, Caroline E. Hyatt. 2105. WILLIAM HOWLAND PELL, born Sept. 3, 1833; married, Sept. 30, 1852, Adelaide Ferris. § 1197. WILLIAM H. BARKER, 8 (Elizabeth Hazard, 7; Thomas, 6; Thomas, 5; Robert, 4; Thomas, 3; Robert, 2; Thomas, 1), was born August 21, 1809; he died September 17, 1879; he married, November 14, 1832, Jean- ette B. James, of Albany, New York. She was born in 1814; died May 8, 1842. CHILDREN 2106. WILLIAM BARKER, born 1834; died March 2, 1839. 2107. ELIZABETH H. BARKER, born May 23, 1836; married George Higginson, Jr. 2108. ROBERT BARKER, born 1840; died Feb. 8, 1868; unmarried, 2109. AUGUSTUS J. BARKER, born April or May, 1842; died Sept. 18, 1863; unmarried. § 1199. ANNA HAZARD BARKER, 8 (Elizabeth Hazard, 7; Thomas, 6; Thomas, 5; Robert, 4; Thomas, 3 Robert, 2; Thomas, 1), was born O&tober 25, 1813 ; she married, October 3, 1840, Samuel Gray Ward, of Boston, son of Thomas Wren Ward, and Lydia Gray his wife. CHILDREN 2110. ANNA BARKER WARD, born Sept. 20, 1841; died Nov. 24, 1875; married Josepb Marie An- toine Tboron. 2111. LYDIA GRAY WARD, born April 24, 1843; married Richard Freiberr von Hoffman. 2112. THOMAS WREN WARD, born Oct. 8, 1844; married Sopbia Read Howard. 2113. ELIZABETH BARKER WARD, born Sept. 26, 1847; married Baron Ernst Augustus Scboenberg, of Roth-Schoenberg, Saxony. He was born Jan. 4, 1850. § 1202. ELIZABETH HAZARD BARKER, 8 (Elizabeth Hazard, 7; Thomas, 6; Thomas, 5; Robert, 4 ; Thomas, 3 ; Robert, 2; Thomas, 1), was born July 4, 1817; she married, first, Baldwin Brower; married, second, William Thompson Van Zandt, son of Thomas and Mary Underhill Van Zandt; she married, third, John McCanless, son of John and Ellen Long McCanless. CHILDREN OF FIRST MARRIAGE 2114. ANNA HAZARD BROWER, born May 20, 1837; died June 10, 1838. 2115. WILLIAM BALDWIN BROWER, born April 29, 1839. 2116. BALDWIN BROWER, born Aug. 6, 1842. CHILDREN OF SECOND MARRIAGE 2117. EUGENE VAN ZANDT, born Oct. 25, 1847. 2118. SIGOURNEY VAN ZANDT, born Oct. 25, 1847. 2119. ELIZABETH KNEELAND VAN ZANDT, born July 17, 1849. 2120. ERNEST VAN ZANDT, born Dec. 18, 1851. 2121. by Google Original from Digitized PRINCETON UNIVERSITY Samuel Gray WARD/Anna Hazard BARKER Page 1 of 2 Cousin Connections Browsing through the Branches Husband: Samuel Gray WARD Born: at: Married: 3 OCT 1840 at: Died: at: Father: Mother: Other Spouses: Wife: Anna Hazard BARKER Born: 25 OCT 1813 at: Died: at: Father: Jacob BARKER Mother : Elizabeth HAZARD Other Spouses CHILDREN Name: Anna Barker WARD Born: 20 SEP 1841 at: Married: 29 JAN 1863 at: Died: 24 NOV 1875 at: Spouses: Joseph Marie Antoine THORON Name: Lydia Gray WARD Born: 24 APR 1843 at: Married: 11 AUG 1870 at: Died: at: Spouses: Richard Freiherr VON HOFFMAN Name: Thomas Wren WARD Born: 8 OCT 1844 at: Married: 29 APR 1872 at: Died: at: Spouses: Sophia Read HOWARD Name: Elizabeth Barker WARD Born: 26 SEP 1847 at: Married: at: Died: at: Spouses: Ernst Augustus SCHOENBERG Family Pedigrees Cousin Connections Family Annals http://www.geocities.com/pioneerstock/tree/fam02461.htm 8/29/2007 Jacob BARKER/Elizabeth HAZARD Page 2 of 3 Name: Anna Hazard BARKER Born: 25 OCT 1813 at: Married: 3 OCT 1840 at: Died: at: Spouses: Samuel Gray WARD Name: Jacob BARKER Born: 23 MAY 1816 at: Married: at: Died: 27 APR 1842 at: Spouses: Name: Elizabeth Hazard BARKER Born: 4 JUL 1817 at: Married: at: Died: at: Spouses Baldwin BROWER William Thompson VAN ZANDT John Jacob MCCANLIS Name: Sarah BARKER Born: 27 JUL 1819 at: Married: at: Died: at: Spouses: John C. HARRISON William H. HUNT Name: Abraham BARKER Born: 3 JUN 1821 at: Married: 3 JUN 1842 at: Died: at: Spouses Sarah WHARTON Katharine CRANE Name: Mary BARKER Born: 27 JUN 1823 at: Married: at: Died: 9 JAN 1826 at: Spouses Name: John Wells BARKER Born: 18 DEC 1825 at: Married: at: Died: 18 DEC 1825 at: Spouses: Family Pedigrees Cousin Connections Family Annals Contact Information Contact Home Copyright © 1999 Thomas Langford http://www.geocities.com/pioneerstock/tree/fam02425.htm 8/29/2007 Jacob BARKER/Elizabeth HAZARD Page 1 of 3 Cousin Connections Browsing through the Branches Husband: Jacob BARKER Born: 17 DEC 1779 at: Married: 27 AUG 1801 at: Died: 26 DEC 1871 at: Father: Mother: Other Spouses Wife: Elizabeth HAZARD Born: 2 DEC 1783 at: Died: 29 DEC 1871 at: Father Thomas HAZARD Mother Anna RODMAN Other Spouses: CHILDREN Name: Robert BARKER Born: 11 JUN 1802 at: Married: at: Died: 28 SEP 1803 at: Spouses: Name: Robert BARKER Born: 20 JUL 1804 at: Married: at: Died: at: Spouses Name: Thomas BARKER Born: 21 JUN 1807 at: Married: at: Died: 1876 at: Spouses Name: William H. BARKER Born: 21 AUG 1809 at: Married: 14 NOV 1832 at: Died: 17 SEP 1879 at: Spouses: Jeanette B. JAMES Name: Andrew Sigourney BARKER Born: 11 NOV 1811 at: Married: at: Died: 1846 at: Spouses http://www.geocities.com/pioneerstock/tree/fam02425.htm 8/29/2007 Samuel Gray WARD/Anna Hazard BARKER Page 1 of 2 Cousin Connections Browsing through the Branches Husband: Samuel Gray WARD Born: at: Married: 3 OCT 1840 at: Died: at: Father: Mother: Other Spouses: Wife: Anna Hazard BARKER Born: 25 OCT 1813 at: Died: at: Father: Jacob BARKER Mother: Elizabeth HAZARD Other Spouses: CHILDREN Name: Anna Barker WARD Born: 20 SEP 1841 at: Married: 29 JAN 1863 at: Died: 24 NOV 1875 at: Spouses: Joseph Marie Antoine THORON Name: Lydia Gray WARD Born: 24 APR 1843 at: Married: 11 AUG 1870 at: Died: at: Spouses: Richard Freiherr VON HOFFMAN Name: Thomas Wren WARD Born: 8 OCT 1844 at: Married: 29 APR 1872 at: Died: at: Spouses: Sophia Read HOWARD Name: Elizabeth Barker WARD Born: 26 SEP 1847 at: Married: at: Died: at: Spouses: Ernst Augustus SCHOENBERG Family Pedigrees Cousin Connections Family Annals Contact Information http://www.geocities.com/~pioneerstock/tree/fam02461.htm 8/15/2003 AN INTERLUDE 325 sembling a belt of 'clear cerulean blue sky stretching across the heavens without cloud, or mist, or haze.' said that he thought I ought to know his intentions. If he or Mr. May 25, 1852. Mr. Webster called upon me this morning. He Fillmore were nominated at the Whig Conventions, he should re- sign the office he now fills. If General Scott be nominated, he should resign it unless Mr. Fillmore should strongly urge him to stay and consent to his taking a vacation of two months in the warm season. Should he resign, he should strongly advise the Presi- dent to offer the place to me: as he knew no one so able to fill it from his knowledge of the public men of Europe; of the history of our affairs and from capacity of application, which was what oppressed him. If my health would not allow me to take it, he should then advise the President to offer it to Mr. Crittenden and the Attorney- his Generalship to Mr. Choate. I told Mr. W. I presumed when resignation was spoken of that this last-named arrangement would take place. When Webster met his cruel defeat at the Baltimore Con- vention, Everett wrote him as follows: BOSTON, June 22, 1852 I will not allow yourself to be greatly disturbed desirable by the have been for the country at large or your Assuming that disappointment hope you of our hopes at Baltimore. However friends, you success may individual who has least reason to regret it. the Presi- are the would have followed nomination, what could office had election add to happiness or fame? Even before the the dency down your by second-rate and wholly incompetent persons, to the of- been let of Mr. Madison shows that even repeated election statesman fice example of little moment to a great constitutional that if there is very the whole, I hope you will bear in mind have filled is the no one in the much country to the public interest and honor, there even the Upon (as your friends think) who could is, and for office that reason, so no one who is so little dependent upon office, highest, for influence or reputation. 1852. Dined at Mr. T. W. Ward's Ward. with She the spoke Bar- ings and a and intelligence of Dante, which bankers and September large 20, party. Sat next to Mrs. S. G. she and her hus- with enthusiasm thoroughly studied together. How Webster many came in at band had in Europe can say as much? Mr. and the last their the dessert. wives This was the last time he came to Boston, time I ever saw him alive. Is 84 ot Ward 1 Ward Perkins licott (cousin) ) d pa) Bonnemaman, Anna Hazard Barker Ward, wife of Samuel Gray Ward 404 Thoron Genealogy:Information about Anna Barker Ward Page 1 of 1 Search First Name Last Name Select State Genealogy.com FamilyTreeMaker Online LEARNING CENTER COMMUNITY MY GENEALOGY.COM SEARCH SHOP CART ? HELP Home Page Surname List Index of Individuals Interne Tree Sources Anna Barker Ward (b. September 20, 1841, d. 1875) Anna Barker Ward (daughter of Samuel Grey Ward and Anna Hazard Barker) was born September 20, 1841, and died 1875. She married Joseph Marie AntoineThoron on 1862, son of Paul Jacques Thoron and Louise Marie Helene Angelique Cousinery. More About Anna Barker Ward and Joseph Marie AntoineThoron: Marriage: 1862 Children of Anna Barker Ward and Joseph Marie AntoineThoron are: i. Marie-Louise Thoron, b. 1864, d. date unknown. ii. +Ward Paul Louis Francois Firmin Samuel Thoron, b. 1867, New York, d. 1937. Created with family Treel Maker Find out how Home Help About Us Biography.com HistoryChannel.com Site Index Terms of Service PRIVACY © 2009 Ancestry.com http://familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/t/h/o/Benjamin-W-Thoron/WEBSITE-0001/U.. 5/5/2010 A Nathonial Houthome Encyclopedia 516 WALCOTT EDWARD WARD. NATHANIEL 517 1991. outside the harmonious : system of interdependent lives, one may become "the Wampenoag. In Septimius Norton, he is Nashoba's Indian grandfather. (He Outcast of the Universe." The place name Wakefield obviously appears in The may also have Norton blood in him.) Vicar of Wakefield by Oliver Goldsmith*; in addition, there is a Wakefield, Massachusetts. Hawthorne could have picked up Wakefield as a surname from Wandering Jew, the. Legendary figure in world literature, supposedly con- Annals of Salem by Joseph Barlow Felt.* The plot source is William King's demned to roam the world until the second coming of Christ, because he chided Political and Literary Anecdotes of His Own Times (1818), in which a man Christ on His way to Calvary. In "A Virtuoso's Collection," the icy-hearted named Howe behaves just the way Hawthorne's Wakefield does. curator of the museum of fabulous objects is revealed to be the Wandering Jew. In "A Select Party," he is one of the Man of Fancy's guests; he is SO common Walcott, Edward. In Fanshawe, A Tale, he is the tall, handsome, slightly wild now and so out of place that he soon leaves. relative of President Melmoth of Harley College, which Walcott attends. He falls in love with and later marries Ellen Langton. Hawthorne may have altered Wanton Gospeller. In "Endicott and the Red Cross," he is an independent the name Wolcott, encountered in Annals of Salem by Joseph Barlow Felt,* to interpreter of the Bible who is punished for heterodoxy. Walcott when he wrote Fanshawe. Wappacowet. In "Main Street," he is the second Indian husband of the Squaw Waldo, Samuel. In "Old News," he is the agent who offers Irish lasses "for Sachem. sale" as servants in Boston. Ward, Anna Hazard Barker (1813-1900). Friend of Sophia and her sisters Walker, Admiral Sir Hovenden 1656-c.1666-1728) Irish-born British Elizabeth Palmer Peabody (1804-1894)* and Mary Tyler Peabody Mann.* An- naval officer. During the early 1690s he saw action against the French. He was na's father was a New York and New Orleans businessman. Her husband (from promoted to rear admiral in 1711 and was ordered to sail to the attack of Quebec, 1840) was Samuel Gray Ward,* a writer, gentleman farmer, and banker. She but, owing to foul weather, he lost eight ships and almost 900 men in the St. required him to make money instead of pursuing his writing. They spent some Lawrence River. He commanded off Jamaica (1712), retired (1715), farmed in time at Brook Farm, bought property in Lenox, Massachusetts, and lived there South Carolina, returned to England, published an account of his Canadian (1844-1850), and then rented it to William Aspinwall Tappan and his wife expedition (1720), and died in Dublin. In Famous Old People, Admiral Walker Caroline Sturgis Tappan. Sophia and Una saw Anna Ward in Liverpool, in is mentioned as unsuccessfully attacking Quebec in 1711. October 1856. All the Hawthornes saw her again (some of the time with part of her family), in Rome, in April 1858 and from February to May 1859. "Walking on the Sea." Poem, published in Scenes in the Life of the Savior," ed. Rufus Wilmot Griswold,* 1846; reprinted in Nathaniel Hawthorne: Poems, Ward, General Artemus (1727-1800). Massachusetts-born army officer and ed. Richard E. Peck, 1967. A storm near Galilee frightened the disciples until politician. He was a county judge, fought during the 1758 attack on Ticonderoga, Jesus appeared and calmed them by identifying himself. His words "It is I" resisted the government of General Thomas Gage* (1774-1775), commanded comfort all His disciples everywhere, and also many who are troubled. American forces after the battle of Lexington (1775), besieged Boston until George Washington* arrived, aided under him until the British evacuated (March 1776), then resigned. Ward was on the Massachusetts executive council (1777- Walpole, Sir Robert (1676-1745). British statesman, who had a long and 1780), and he served at the Continental Congress (1780-1781) and in the U.S. sometimes troubled career. He was a Whig member of Parliament (1701-1742), House of Representatives (1791-1795). In Liberty Tree, Ward is mentioned as and he held many offices, including that of prime minister (1715-1717, 1721). a lawyer, the troop commander before Washington's arrival at Cambridge, and He tried to avoid foreign entanglements and helped establish free trade and a then one of the generals attending his Cambridge war council. sound colonial policy. In "The Antique Ring," Sir Robert Walpole is the British politician who gives the diamond ring to the wife of a legislator whom he wishes to dishonor. Ward, Nathaniel (c.1578-1652). English-born Congregational clergyman in Massachusetts (1634-1636). He helped codify colonial laws, wrote The Simple Cobbler of Aggawam (1647) and some poetry, and later returned to England Walter. In Famous Old People, he is the son-in-law of Cotton Mather. Walter (1647). In "Mrs. Hutchinson," Ward is described as standing at Anne Hutch- was inoculated for smallpox in 1721. inson's trial as though about to break into puns and jokes which "puzzle us with America's Historical Newspapers Page 2 of 3 THE SUN SHONE ON THE BRIDE Philadelplica Infurrer William C. Endicott, Jr., Weds Miss Louise Thoron at Lenox. V. 121, issue 83 LENOX, Mass.. Oct. 3.-Nature was kind to Lenox to-day, and out of a dreary week brought a Oct-4, 1889. beautiful day with cloudless sky and warm, bright sunshine which put everybody in the highest spirits. It has been a great day for Lenox social- ly, for it brought the long and eagerly anticipated wedding of Miss Louise Thoron, of Boston, and William C. Endicott, Jr., son of Mr. Cleveland's Secretary of War. of Salem. The presence of Mrs. Cleveland has given a great impetus to social matters, and she is just as popular as in the days when she graced the White House. This morning was given up to driving, the only social event being the luncheon given ex-Secretary and Mrs. Fairchild by General Barlow. whose guests they are. Mrs. Cloveland was present, as were the Whitneys. Endicotts and others. Not long after noon carriages could be seen headed towards the beautiful residence of Samuel G. Ward, where the event of the day-the wed- ding-was to take place. The house is situated on Stockbridge Bowl, about two miles west of the Curtis House, and is a generous. comfortable mansion, abounding in roomy plazzas and cozy nooks and commanding superb views. The house was elaborately decorated with flowers and autumn leaves and was a very bower of loveliness. The groom arrived at 12.30, accompanied by his best man. Charles P. Curtis, Jr., of Boston. and the guests came close upon his heels. About 1 o'clock the bride appeared, accompanied by her bridesmaid, Miss Ward, of New York. The bride was dressed in a beautiful dress of heavy satin, out en train, with ornaments of peals and wore a bridal veil and orange blossoms. Miss Ward wore pink and had diamond orna- ments. Quietly they took their places in the parlor and Rev. Father Prendergast, of Washing- ton, D. C., performed the ceremony. being as- sisted by Father Smith, of Lee. Mr. and Mrs. Endicott turned from the,clergymen and for more than an hour received the congratulations which were showered upon them. The reception con- tinued until 'clock, but long before that hour the newly-married couple had entered a carriage and started for Pittsfield, where they took a train for an extended tour. Mrs. Cleveland was almost as prominent a fix- ure as the bride and looked particularly lovely in a gown of delicate fawn color, trimmed with old point lace. She wore diamond ornaments. After the wedding the young people enjoyed a dance on the lawn. Among the guests were ex-Secretaries Whitney, Endicott and Fairchild with their wives, the Turkish Minister, Mavroyeni Bey: the German Minister, Herr Ecardstein the Belgian http://0-infoweb.newsbank.com.library.colgate.edu/iw-search/we/HistArchive/?p_product... 3/27/2007 America's Historical Newspapers Page 3 of 3 , paron auu ocoun- berg, and scores of others from Boston, Washing- ton, New York and other places. The grand ball given by Mrs. Whitney in the evening was prenounced the finest ball ever given here. It took place at the Schimeron Annox of Sedgewick Hall which was draped with yellow hanging shades and stage curtains made of the same colored material. Laurel, autumn leaves and French marigolds were used profusely, the windows being arched and the walls heavily banked. The effect when the ball was lighted was extremely beautiful. Back of the hall was a tent annox supper room, thirty-five feet squaro. The tent was carpeted. lighted with 400 Jap- anose lanterns and 200 other lights, including beautiful brass candelabras on each of the fifty tables. There were accommodations for four per- sons at each table and a set of imperial Louis Phillipe service was used, the silver being very heavy and exquisitely chased. http://0-infoweb.newsbank.com.library.colgate.edu/iw-search/we/HistArchive/?p_product... 3/27/2007 The Yellow House Papers Inventory 51 Memorial of Henry Marion Howe by HR. Henry Marion Howe by Arthur Walker, reprinted from The School of Mines Quarterly, 34(4)(July 1912). Presentation of John Fritz Medal to Henry Marion Howe. Various newspaper obituaries re. the death of Henry Marion Howe. Record Group 33 Rare books, some of which are apparently set aside because of autographs of famous persons on flyleaves. Histoire de Charles XII, Voltaire, Autograph of JWH. Hibbert Lectures, 1888. Edwin Hatch. Autograph of JWH. "My birthday gift to myself." Study of Spinoza. James Martineau. Autograph of JWH. Harvard College Class of 1884 Inter Amicos. Correspondence between James Martineau and William Knight. Inscribed by the latter to Mrs. JWH. A Book of Rhymes. Augusta Webster. Inscribed by J. S. Dwight to JWH. Miscellanies. James Martineau. SGH's autograph and bookplate. Sonnets, edited by Henry J. Nicoll. Inscribed by J. S. Dwight to LER. Ros Rosarum et Horto Poetarum. Inscribed by J. S. Dwight to RR. Five Minutes: Daily Readings, selected by H. L. Sidney Lear. Inscribed by J. S. Dwight to RR. Hymns to the Church, translated by Margaret Terry Chanler, inscribed by the translator to LER. Letters of Winthrop Chanler. Inscribed by Margaret Terry Chanler to LER. Pages d'Histoire de la Revolution de Fevrier, 1848 par Louis Blanc. Paris, 1850. SHG's bookplate and autograph. House of Understanding: Selections from Jeremy Taylor by Margaret Gest. Inscribed by author to RR. Recollections of Olden Times: Rowland Robinson of Narrangasset and his Unfortunate Daughter, With Genealogies of the Robinson, Hazard and Sweet families of Rhode Island. by Thomas R. Hazzard. "Shepherd Tom," in his 81st and 82nd years. Newport, R.I., 1879. Ancestral line of Mrs. Samuel Gray Ward on handwritten sheet inserted in front of book. Original Poems and Other Verses, set of music as Songs, with pianoforte accompaniment by Julia Ward Howe. Boston Music Co., 1908. Copyright by G. Schirmer. Probably to be kept by family. Two Appreciations of John Jay Chapman by Owen Wister Keats, John, 1795-1821. John Keats miscellaneous papers and portraits: Guide. Page 6 of 7 manuscript (signed in unidentified hand) essay, undated. s.(1p) in 1 folder. Essay written on one side of a sheet of blue paper. It has his name in pencil at the end in another unidentified hand. Acquisition Information: Recataloged from *Lowell 1010.11. Bequest of Amy Lowell, received: 1925. [Shelved as MS; Keats Room] Vincent, Leon Henry, 1859-1941. A reading in the letters of John Keats : autograph manuscript with corrections and annotations (signed), 1894 January 17. 38 leaves in 1 volume. Also includes loose sheet (with letterhead of the Downey Hotel, Lansing, Michigan, 190?), with autograph manuscript by Wilson of portion of Romeo's speech from Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet: Act 5, Scene 1. Inscribed: "to be given to Francis Wilson in case the article is accepted and printed." Includes bookplate of Francis Wilson and signed by him. Article first published in the Atlantic Monthly, 74:399-408, September 1894. Later printed in: Leon Henry Vincent. The bibliotaph, and other people. Houghton Mifflin, 1895. Bound in mottled blue and yellow paper-covered boards with green leather and gold trim. Acquisition Information: *41-5405. Gift of Arthur A. Houghton, Jr.; received: 1941 November. [Shelved as MS; Pusey stacks] Ward, Anna H. (Barker) d. 1900. Autograph manuscript diary; [no place], 1835-1839. 63f.(81p.) With a reference to George Keats. Acquisition Information: *67M-160. Deposited by Mrs. William C. Endicott and Mrs. Charles Bruen Perkins, received: 1942 November. [Shelved as MS; Keats Room] Wells, Charles, 1800-1879. Autograph manuscript letter (signed) to Thomas Keats; The Square, 1816. 1s. (4p.) in 1 volume. Case includes pasted-in bookplate of Maurice Buxton Forman. Letter published in: Dorothy Hewlett A life of John Keats (New York, 1950) pp. 377-380. Also includes additional loose material including: Forman, Maurice Buxton. Tom Keats and C.. Wells's "America" : autograph manuscript article (signed), undated. Photostat of Wells letter Notes by Forman, concerning the original Wells letter. Invoice for sale of letter. Clipping concerning Charles Coborn and sale announcement of proofs of H. Buxton Forman. Acquisition Information: *72M-5. Gift of Arthur A. Houghton, Jr., 715 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10022; received: 1972 July 1. Purchased at Sotheby sale (1,200 pounds), 27 June 1972 through Winifred A. Meyers Ltd., 35 Dover St., London W1. [Shelved as MS; Pusey stacks] Wilde, Oscar, 1854-1900. Autograph manuscript letter (signed) to [Reverend John] Page Hopps; Chelsea, [undated]. [24]p. (6 folds) in 1 folder. Essay in form of a letter, in which Wilde explains his esthetic ideas in relation to the dead. In course of it he alludes to Keats' grave. Acquisition Information: H24. Deposited by Arthur Amory Houghton, Jr., received: 1941 October. Recataloged from original Houghton deposit list number H24. [Shelved as MS; Pusey stacks] [Wilde, Oscar, 1854-1900].The grave of Keats : autograph http://oasis.lib.harvard.edu/oasis/deliver/~hou00623 2/17/2010 Keats, John, 1795-1821. John Keats miscellaneous papers and portraits: Guide. Page 1 of 7 Harvard University Library Frames Version OASIS: Online Archival Search Information Questions or Comments Copyright System Statement MS Keats 7 Keats, John, 1795-1821. John Keats miscellaneous papers and portraits: Guide. Houghton Library, Harvard College Library VE TAS CHARVARDY Harvard University, Cambridge, Massacusetts 02138 USA C 2003 The President and Fellows of Harvard College Last update on 2009 October 15 Descriptive Summary Repository: Houghton Library, Harvard College Library, Harvard University Location: MS, pf [shelved in Keats Room and Pusey stacks] Call No.: MS Keats 7 Creator: Keats, John, 1795-1821. Title: John Keats miscellaneous papers and portraits, Date(s): 1816-1923. Quantity: 1 box and 7 volumes (1 linear ft.) Language of materials: Materials are in English and German. Abstract: Papers about and portraits of English poet John Keats, his family, and his friends. Acquisition Information: Received from various sources at various times. See items for full acquistion information. Access Restrictions: There are no restrictions on physical access to this material. Use Restrictions: Images linked to this finding aid are intended for public access and educational use. This material is owned and/or held by the Houghton Library, and is provided solely for the purpose of teaching or individual research. Any other use, including commercial reuse, mounting on other systems, or other forms of redistribution requires the permission of the curator. http://oasis.lib.harvard.edu/oasis/deliver/~hou00623 2/17/2010 Alfred Habegger 420 THE FATHER : A Wheef Heary NEWPORT AND James Sr. In retrospect, it looks as if the family chose to sacrifice the expendable sons to action so that the favored sons could be dedicated to thought. Ambout UMAASS, 1984 THE JAMESES OF NEWPORT Back in his native land, James quickly made arrangements to rent McKaye's house at 13 Kay Street, Newport, taking possession on October 1, 1860. That same day he wrote Tweedy in London and asked him to pick up a special dissecting microscope: "Willy needs it & will be much obliged." Already, it would seem, Willy was hedging his wager on art, with his father's encouragement. The next day, thinking of the two younger sons, James sent off for information on an innovative boarding school in Concord. 1860 Newport had become more animated and brilliant, especially in sum- mertime. Anna and Sam Ward had a place at Ocean Point now, and at Lawton's Valley, a short drive north, there was a congenial and stimu- lating group of seasonal residents that included Julia Ward Howe, author of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic." When young Leslie Stephen arrived in the summer of 1863 to sample Newport's touted charms, "the amusements, as far as I could see, consisted in sitting on a verandah listening to a band of music, the men smoking." But the large tourist hotels were a very different scene from the cottages, and the Englishman lacked an entrée to the private yachting and picnicking, the afternoon drives and calls, the dining out with friends, the entertaining of visitors for a week or two. With their five teenage children, the Jameses were not only in the thick of these activities but helped give them a tone at once high-spirited and in tual. It was in the early 1860s that the spectacle of their lively domestic life began to attract fascinated comment. One reason for the fascination was Henry Sr.'s unusual line of talk. He was playful or flirtatious with his children's friends, and when he took on the obligatory note writing other husbands left to their wives, he would whip up the most ingenious concoctions. When Katy Rodgers, one of Mary's distant New York connections, came for a visit and sent 1 a bread-and-butter note afterward, it was Henry Sr. who replied with a I cleverly flattering lament: "I think I could be a good man if I had any 1, domestic encouragement. I have a susceptible bosom, and an appreciative il word now and then from those around me could hardly fail to find a good soil, and bring forth goodly fruit. But an unamiable family is a hard f trial to a well-disposed mind." The writer trusted the charming visitor " Paul Fisher. Henra 50 HOUSE OF WITS (N4: Holt +Co., Quoted in Alfred Panic . Habegger. 5I The Father: 4008) Pg. 141. A-h.fe of Henry Jones, To show their admiration for Henry, both Mary and Kate "converted"- enraged with Frenchmen urinating in public and fascinated by the Sr. in a calm Walsh way, preserving their own inward equilibrium-to his in- first noisy but fleet transatlantic steamship, the Ontario, on which he'd N.Y. subordinate ideas. They took the momentous and daring step of leaving Farrar, voyaged. In spite of his flightiness and his absences-or because of staut, their mother's well-heeled church and joining Henry's radical Separatists. them-he brought gusts of the wide world to the sedate precincts of Faced with such a visitor on a continuing basis, Elizabeth Walsh was Washington Square. Sr. beside herself. Her daughters' wild conversion to a fringe sect struck M.Mass In New York$ Henry also paid visits to his older sister Jannet's in- "grief" into the genteel mother, according to a Walsh cousin. But be- 2001. laws, the Barkers, an elegant and good-looking family of bankers with cause Hugh took Henry's side-and no doubt because male authority whom he'd bonded during his family lawsuits in the mid-1830s and who still counted with her, independent as she was-Mary's mother didn't would figure prominently in his own family's future. Henry targeted banish Henry from the house. Still, the disturbed Mrs. Walsh watched one Barker for special attention Anna Hazard Barker. a high-strung uneasily as, chaperoned by Hugh, her two daughters shouldered in and intelligent beauty, had a fine-boned face and dark ringlets that later among Henry's group of "Scotch Baptists" in New York. This congrega- led Ralph Waldo Emerson to pronounce her the "loveliest of women." tion of radical and anticlerical Presbyterian Separatists had the merit, at In Anna Barker, Mary Walsh had a true rival, known or unknown, in ad- least, of being gathered by the socially respectable British consul in New dition to her own charming younger sister, Kate. Both contenders had York, a Scotsman named James Buchanan-not to be confused with the the advantage of being younger than Mary was (Mary had a year on later bachelor president of the United States from Pennsylvania. I lenry, in fact) and by the standards of the day prettier Elizabeth Walsh must have fretted about a fringe splinter group that But Mary, in her stiff, rather architectural costumes, with her quiet met on rough-and-tumble Canal Street, no matter how distinguished but strong listening presence, carried her own appeal to the intense and some of its members were. And she would have worried still more when unsettled Henry. Anna Barker magnified Henry's own nervousness. Henry, in keeping with his anticlerical principles, gave up Princeton's Like him, she was febrile and excitable; her company could be both a seminary altogether. Henry still hung on to his income, but he lacked delight and torment. Eventually marrying into a Boston banking clan, that other necessary prop of masculine respectability, a settled career. the Wards, Anna would afterward represent for Henry-who avidly Even though their mother didn't intervene, this three-way courtship corresponded with her in the 1850s-a road not taken. of the Walsh sisters didn't proceed smoothly or quickly. For one thing, the restless Henry, often in emotional turmoil, seldom remained for as long in New York. Instead, he was living at home with his mild and IN LANDING HENRY'S affection, Mary played to her strengths. Her proper mother, Catharine Barber James, in Albany, quarreling at Prince- soothing maternal quality put the overwrought Henry at his ease. She ton, or haring off on European tours. He saw other women, wielding his could flatter him with her silence if not with her agreement. She could "lis- strange charisma in many settings, with maternal and safely married ten with the whole of her usefulness, which needed no other force, being as women especially. (Later evidence suggests that Henry was a flirt, but 11 was the whole of her tenderness," as her favorite son would later put it. no proof of other sexual liaisons survives.) But Mary also had-though Henry seldom glimpsed it-a rather In October 1838, Henry headed abroad again, plunging across the blunt and earthy wit. She would later roll her eyes at some of Henry's Atlantic to visit Michael Faraday, the electromagnetic physicist-the "Ideas." ler strict upbringing had given her patience-and an iron self- inventor of the rubber balloon in 1824-who also counted himself as control. She offered Henry, in her son's words, "complete availability, a Sandemanian. It was April 1839 before he returned to Manhattan, and could do it with a smoothness of surrender." And that exactly fit loaded with a whole new battery of stories, theories, and tirades. I le was Henry's bill though his preference for Mary probably emerged only 180 Men, Women, and Famil Men, Women, and Families 181 Emerson." So, too, would she have to renounce the comforts indignation." If "transcendentalism" means "that I have an active mind social position as the daughter of one of Boston's wealthiest merchant frequently busy with large topics I hope it is so. If it is meant that I am "Yesterday I had a beautiful day," Caroline typically wrote from honored by the friendships of such men as Mr Emerson, Mr Ripley, and family's summer home in Newburyport. "The sunlight and showers Mr Alcott, I hope it is so. But if it is meant that I cherish any opinions little love quarrels all the morning, & I alternated from my elm. which interfere with domestic duties, cheerful courage and judgement in window to the mill-door by the riverside, from Italian to painting the practical affairs of life, I challenge any or all in the little world which Margaret suffered by the contrast in their lots. She felt "so homeles knows me to prove such deficiency from any acts of mine since I came to forlorn" teaching in the ninety-nine-degree heat of the Providencesume woman's estate." Transcendentalism and feminism were not synony- of 1838, while Caroline vacationed at the shore in New Bedford mous at the time, as Caroline's father feared; but the freedom of the Fuller's ability to command the friendship of this rich young WORK movement did allow Fuller to build up an unusual nexus of relationships contested, emotionally and symbolically, the circumstances that seems which included men as well as women. to conspire against her own achievement. Margaret cultivated Emerson's friendship in the late 1830s much as Definite rules set by Margaret governed the relationship and she did Caroline's. He recognized that he had been drawn into a social control. Unrestrained confidence was the first. When she came circle unique in his experience. "Have I been always a hermit, and unable one visit feeling "estranged," she warned it is "doubtful to me whether joapproach my fellow men, & do the Social Divinities suddenly offer me a can continue intimate; friends we shall always be, Ihope, after all roomfull of friends," he wrote to Elizabeth Hoar in 1840. "So consider me known of one another." Elevated conduct was the second concer now quite friendsick & lovesick, a writer of letters & sonnets. As his Hitherto you have always been "right," was Margaret's reproval emphasis on quantity suggests, Fuller brought her various friends into party, but "it is beneath you to amuse yourself with active satire' mutual relation, and Emerson's studied tone of adolescent giddiness was laugh at such people as you did." I, she added with ominous implican as appropriate to the ages of the participants as to the nature of their for the friendship, was "repelled." Exclusivity was the final stipular intercourse. Caroline Sturgis was then twenty-one. Samuel Ward was the Margaret responded to a hint of Caroline's disloyalty in a way swenty-three-year-old son of a Boston banker, nicknamed "Raphael" for confirmed her own importance and aimed to regain straying affect insinterest in art. Anna Barker, affectionately known as "Récamier" after "If Fate has in store for my Caroline a friend of soul and mind like virginal friend of Mme. de Stael, was a well-to-do Southern woman more equal age and fortunes, as true and noble, more beautiful and also in her early twenties. Not surprisingly, Emerson began one letter to should accept what I have known of her as an equivalent for the lined Caroline "dear sister" but ended "dear child." To his mind, moreover, the situated like me can give."60 friendships were valuable for their childlike simplicity and honesty, pur- Transcendentalism initially threatened this friendship, when sued without lagging for the dull convoy" of convention or "bending to Transcendentalist radicalism made William Sturgis forbid his daught please or to explain. But he came closest to the truth when he told live with Margaret in Providence in 1837. Margaret reacted with Margaret that he had been "raised out of the society of mere mortals by being chosen the friend of the holiest nun & began instantly to dream of pure confidences & 'prayers of preserved maids in bodies delicate.' " 57. MF to CS, Nov. 2, 1837; Oct. 14, 1837. Emerson had been invited into woman's sphere. 64 58. CS to MF, Sept. 5, 1841. For biographical information on Caroline Sture George Willis Cooke, An Historical and Biographical Introduction to Accompany 61. MF to CS, Nov. 16, 1837. 2 vols. (1902; reprint ed., New York: Russell and Russell, 1961), 2:56-61, and 62 RWE to Elizabeth Hoar, Sept. 12, 1840, Emerson, Letters, 2:330. American Woman, 1607-1950, ed. Edward T. James, Janet Wilson James, and Pin 63 RWE to CS, c. Aug. 20, 1840?, Emerson, Letters, 2:326. Boyer, 3 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 2:214-15 (under 64 RWE to MF, Aug. 29, 1840, Emerson, Letters, 2:327. On Ward, see Cooke, Hooper, Caroline's sister). 59. MF to CS, July 1838. Introduction, Waldo 2:36-39, and Emerson's letters to Ward, published as Letters from Ralph 60. MF to CS, [1839]; Jan. 27, 1839; [July 11, 1839]. Smith-Rosenberg notes Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1971). Anna Barker was a relative of Fuller's friend Eliza Emerson to a Friend, 1838-1853, ed. Charles Eliot Norton (1899; reprint ed., Port conflict was minimized in "woman's sphere" because of the empathetic function arrar, the wife of Harvard astronomy professor John Farrar and an author in her own right. relationships ("Female World," p. 342). But if Fuller's case is at all typical, it seem precisely because the friendships were so highly charged in emotional terms, in lieuof 1884) Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Margaret Fuller Ossoli (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, p.35-36. One recent attempt to explain this circle of friends, which suffers from the sources of self-fulfillment, they were extremely volatile and susceptible to numero the author's emphasis on the heterosexual relationship of Fuller and Emerson without taking rieties of stress. One feels after reading Fuller's letters to her friends that she virtually career of nurturing these very fragile relations. sions: Emerson, Margaret Fuller, and Others," Studies in Romanticism 7 (1968): 65-103. dynamics of the entire group into account, is Carl F. Strauch, "Hatred's Swift Repul- 182 Men, Women, and Fam Men, Women, and Families 183 The friendships were not a "castle in the air" to Fuller as they we Emerson, however, but an essential part of her effort to establish hersel Yet it was only when Fuller felt deserted and alone that she escaped the movement, as if, as a woman, she needed to carry her house with he these social dependencies. The events of the summer precipitated a con- feel sure of her power. The structure of the relationships in her m version experience, unorthodox but still essentially religious in nature, suggested in a letter to Caroline, was indicative of the sense of order which confirmed her individuality. It was as if "from the very blackness of the yawning gulf" rose "a star, pale, tearful, still it shone," she told control they gave: "I thought of all women but you two as my pupil playthings or my acquaintances. You two alone I would have held by Caroline on October 22. She exulted in her new freedom and used the hand. And with Mr. E for the representative of religious inspiration incarnation of Christ as a symbol for the promise it offered: one other of Earth's beauty I thought my circle would be as complet I cannot plunge into myself enough. I cannot dedicate myself friendship could make The men, flanking the women Marg sufficiently. The life that flows in upon me from SO many quarters is admitted as equals, seemed little more than interlopers included too beautiful to be checked It all ought to be; if caused by any because they served a useful function. They were subject to the samen apparition of the Divine in me I would bless myself like the holy laid down earlier for Caroline moreover. Emerson had been "taxed Mother. But like her long to be virgin. I would fly from the land of my Margaret on the count of intimacy, he told Caroline, for "a Cent birth, I would hide myself in night and poverty The gifts I must inhospitality of soul inasmuch as you were both willing to be my friend receive, yet for my child, not me. I have no words, wait till he is of age, views still a stranger." the full & sacred sense & I remained apart critical, & after many 100 then hear him. But when a crisis brought this delicately balanced structure tum Fuller expected her friends to acknowledge her independence. "I am now down in August 1840, the reason was not the reserve which betr so at home, I know not how again to wander & grope, seeking my place in Emerson's inability to grasp the emotional demands of feminine frie another soul," she wrote to Emerson. "I need to be recognized. Emer- ship but the lapse of Anna Barker and Samuel Ward into convention warned that one must relinquish such praise of friends and instead "be by engaging to marry. It is a fascinating commentary on Victorian divorced & childless & houseless & friendless a churl & a fool if he riage that everyone assumed the conjugal bond would prevent the would accompany with the Cherubim"; but he also sensed that she had interaction of either husband or wife with the group "Farewell mally appropriated his doctrine of the "infinitude of the private man" brother, my sister," Emerson wrote in a strange celebration of marr and that he, in consequence, would lose the essentially sociable woman he "I can only assure myself of your sympathy late late in the evening knew: "I thought you a great court lady with a Louis Quatorze taste for we shall meet again far far from Here." And to Margaret he sent cor diamonds & splendor, and I find you with a 'Bible in your hand,' faithful lences for the loss of her friends, which challenged, as he knew, the to the new ideas, beholding undaunted their tendency, & making ready control on which her identity depended: your friend 'to die a beggar.' Caroline Sturgis accepted the change in her friend without reserva- But ah! my friend, you must be generous beyond even the strain tions. and "I would fain bless you," Margaret replied, "for your heroism to bear your part in this scene & resign without a sigh recognition."70 But Sturgis never really understood Margaret's experi- Friends;-you whose heart unceasingly demands all, & is sea ence. She criticized Woman in the Nineteenth Century in 1845 for concen- hates an ebb. I know there will be an ardent will & endeavor on trating on "such outward things" as the social condition, education, and parts to prevent if it were possible & in all ways to relieve & cong this bereavement but I doubt they must deal with too keen a seera heart too thoroughly alive in its affections to cover up the whole with roses & myrrh. 67 (she became acquainted with Ward in 1840 when she needed practical advice on running her from bookstore, which the other Transcendentalist men could not give). There is some evidence 65. MF to CS, Oct. 7, 1839. the correspondence that Anna was one of a number of Transcendentalists who 66. RWE to MF, Aug. 16?, 1840, Emerson, Letters, 2:325. converted to Catholicism (see n. 113). In an undated letter on kindergarten education, 67. RWE to Anna Barker and Samuel Ward, Sept. 1840, Emerson, Letters, 2:339 your Probably in the early 1850s, Peabody told Anna "that you can work for this cause with all to MF, Aug. 29, 1840, 2:33. One can only speculate that Emerson did not feel that Peabody's letters to the Wards are located in Houghton Library. heart" because Cardinal Wiseman and other prominent Catholics approve it. words marriage interfered with the friendships because he was considerably older and and was relatively free of romantic conventions. He did continue to write to Ward (see 68 69 MF to RWE, Sept. 29, 1840, cited in Emerson, Letters, 2:341. Elizabeth Peabody corresponded with Anna as well as her husband after their 70. MF to CS, Oct. 22, 1840. RWE to MF, c. Oct. 2, 1840? and Sept. 25, 1840, Emerson, Letters, 2:342,337. Stednes in the American Reversance 1987. THE TRUE ROMANCE OF ANNA HAZARD BARKER AND SAMUEL GRAY WARD Eleanor M. Tilton PROLOGUE I N 1850 WHEN THE MANUSCRIPTS OF MARGARET FULLER came into his hands, Emerson wrote on 17 November to Caroline Tappan of the thoughts they evoked: I grieve to find in them so much grief, belief in a bitter destiny, & which her clear mind & great heart should not have admitted, though the head ached & the knees shook. But she used her gifts so well & against so much resistance, that almost none has the right to blame her.-Yes, it is too obvious that all her estimates of men, books, pictures, were distorted a little or much by her highly refracting atmosphere, & therefore her statement is never catholic & true. (MH) ! I The story of Anna Barker and Samuel Gray Ward has been told for the most part in footnotes to works about Emerson or Margaret Fuller. The prin- cipals have not been called upon to speak for themselves. This article pro- poses to let them do so in the hope that fictions created by Margaret Fuller will not be indefinitely perpetuated. What we lack is first-hand knowledge of I what in fact happened, and that story I give here.) My hope is not only to eradicate fictions but also to demonstrate the danger in reliance on the testi- mony of only one witness and that witness not altogether independent, though guiltless of any sin more grievous than that common human failing- self-deception. Margaret Fuller was not the confidant of either of the principals: Ward's confidant was his father; Anna Barker's was her brother Thomas. Late in the course of events, it was to Emerson not Miss Fuller that Anna Barker con- 53 54 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 fided. A sharp observer was Professor George Ticknor; and knowledgeable, if not always accurate, were the Wards of New York. But it is correspondence in the family papers of the Wards of Boston that gives us a straight story and illuminates ambiguous passages in Emerson's journals From their own letters we can extract the order of events and the characters of the principals. The heroine is not accurately described as a "southern belle." Her parents were New England Quakers: her father out of Nantucket and her mother out of Newport.2 The Barker children were all born in New York City where the family lived until 1834. In that year, Jacob Barker moved his family to New Orleans; his fifth child and first daughter Anna was then twenty-one years old. Her father had just lost a fortune, not the first he had won and lost. Jacob Barker dearly loved a profit and was proud of his early "predisposi- tion to commercial pursuits." He made his first profit-of two cents-at the age of fourteen. 3 Quite rightly he called himself an "adventurer." He was always very much in the public eye; he put himself there. He admitted cheerfully to being impetuous and vain. In the prolonged "Conspiracy Trials" of 1826-28, employing no counsel, he defended himself with vigor and persistence and even brought four of his sons into the courtroom with him, the oldest twenty-five (Thomas) and the youngest fifteen. He had the unwavering loyalty of his employees, chief among them the poet Fitz- Greene Halleck whose scurrilous "Billingsgate McSwell," circulated in manuscript, attacked the district attorney who had made certain of Barker's indictment for fraud.5 An ardent democrat, Barker had supported the War of 1812 and vigorously raised money for it. Needless to say he was persona non grata in Federalist Boston. His democratic principles did not prevent him from suing the gov- ernment to recover the losses he suffered in that war; he had been a large ship-owner at the time. In New Orleans, Barker was quick to defend free blacks abused by the police, and he challenged in the newspapers those who would limit the rights of citizens of foreign birth. 6 He bragged of being related to Benjamin Franklin through their common descent from the Folgers of Nantucket. It pleased him to believe that he resembled his famous and patriotic ancestor. It is fortunate that Anna Barker had the good looks of her mother The shadowy figure of Anna's mother is made a little clearer by Fitz-Greene Hal- leck who remarks upon her looks, her bearing, and her taste in clothes, these of Quaker simplicity but nevertheless elegant.With nine surviving children and a husband constantly on the go, she must surely have been well- occupied at home. What effect the fluctuating fortunes of her husband had we cannot know, but her son Thomas and her daughter Anna were known to be "spiritually-minded. No hint of scandal touches any of her children. Mr. The True Romance 55 Barker, pursuing his flamboyant way, was resiliant and pugnacious, but dis- cretion was no part of his valor. His career and reputation were facts Samuel Gray Ward would have to take into account. Very different was Ward's father the circumspect Boston banker Thomas Wren Ward (out of Salem) whose honor would never be impugned. He was known and respected, but he kept out of the newspapers, seeking no pub- licity by word or deed. The elder Ward was well-to-do, but the pursuit of riches was not all-in-all to him. Though "at times severe," he was an affec- tionate and devoted father. He bequeathed to his oldest son the habit of reti- cence. The younger Ward would be chided by a friend as the "incarnation of No secretiveness.' No more than his father could he ever be described as im- pulsive. Both were given to taking forethought, carefully setting down points to be considered before decision and action. Mrs. Ward, also of Salem, is even more shadowy than Mrs. Barker. There is reason to believe that her time was much taken up by her first-born child Martha, who, never strong, was very ill for more than two years and appar- rently never fully recovered.' It appears to have been a close-knit and stable family in which responsibilities were affectionately shared. The second child and first-born son of four took his middle name from his maternal grand- father. Both the Grays and the Wards were a good deal less peripatetic than the Barkers, and very much more discreet Well-educated at the Round Hill School in Northampton, Ward acquired there a taste for German and Italian literature. The school was experimental, founded by Joseph Green Cogswell and George Bancroft, Cogswell the prime mover. Both had studied at Göttingen, along with George Ticknor and other Americans inspired by Mme. de Staël's De L'Allemagne. From this school, Ward entered Harvard as a sophomore in 1833 shortly before his six- teenth birthday. For all three years he lived at the home of Professor John Farrar whose second wife Eliza (Rotch) Farrar was Anna Barker's cousin. And at the Farrars' Margaret Fuller met Anna Barker. After the move to New Orleans, Jacob Barker followed the southern practice of sending the women-folk north to escape the worst heat of a southern summer. As north- erners, Mrs. Barker and her daughters were "unacclimated" and therefore, it was thought, the more susceptible to yellow fever. With relatives in New York City, Philadelphia, Newport, and Cambridge, the ladies need not wear out their welcome in any one place. The visits were usually brief. The friendship between Miss Fuller and Miss Barker had to have been maintained chiefly by correspondence. In 1835 Margaret Fuller was only briefly in Newport and Miss Barker did not visit Cambridge; in 1836 "there was little chance for conversation" (1: 261). From May 1837 through De- b cember 1838, Anna Barker was in Europe; it was there she met Ward. In 56 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 1839 she did not come north until October. By October 1839 it was, public knowledge that Samuel Gray Ward was courting Miss Barker. Margaret Fuller would see even less of Ward, if less is possible. Absence may indeed make the heart grow fonder but perhaps only because absence may leave it fertile for fantasy. In 1836, it was known that Ward carried on a "brisk correspondence" with Miss Fuller; the friend who used the phrase thought it a joke; he was clearly not among those who took Miss Fuller seriously. 10 Emerson would not meet either of the principals until 1839; he merely heard about them from Mar- garet Fuller. What he heard was what she imagined. In vain, Emerson would often warn her of the dangers of the "Superlative." " In 1835 Miss Fuller anticipated with excitement a trip with the Farrars up the North River and across to Trenton Falls. Her letter to her father about her desire to make the trip has a tone of disconcertingly girlish rapture (1:230). At the end of the seventeen-day journey, she wrote her parents a hasty summary of the events of the last week. In New York she stayed at the home of Sigourney Barker, her friend's brother, and learned that Anna was at Newport. "My disappointment was great-but Mr Ward, (who has been all kindness throughout) offered to stay with me at Newport as long as I pleased" (1:232-33). Well-brought up, "Mr Ward" would know that ladies did not travel alone. Miss Fuller read more into the boy's kindness and courtesy than could have been there. He was seventeen; Miss Fuller was twenty-five. Margaret Fuller would all her life remember the excursion of 1835, her first meeting with Ward. She would call it the "last period of tranquillity in my life." The letter quoted is of 25 February 1850, written from Florence, to Samuel Gray Ward (MH). In 1835 when Mrs. Farrar invited Margaret Fuller to accompany the Far- rars to Europe in 1836, she was looking for companionship. She was not match-making. As a seasoned traveller (this would be her fourth trip) Mrs. Farrar knew that the Atlantic crossing on a sailing vessel depended on one's having good company, the more varied the better. Young Ward, to be grad- uated in August, was going in any case on something like the Grand Tour and sev hoped to continue his study of German in Dresden or wherever Professor George Ticknor, already in Europe, might advise. Mrs. Farrar was assured of the company of Harriet Martineau who with her companion would be re- turning to England. It was reasonable that they all sail in the same ship. Mrs. Farrar, I suspect, wanted a hedge against being limited to the companion- ship of the lady with the ear-trumpet; Miss Fuller's conversational gifts would make her good company, reason enough for Mrs. Farrar to suggest that she sail with them. Margaret Fuller did not conceal her acute disap- pointment when she found she could not make the longed-for journey. Ward The True Romance 57 was sympathetic; again she may have read more into his kindness than was there. As it turned out, the passengers were more than usually disagreeable, and the voyage was more than usually long. The travellers, however, found two welcome additions to their party. One of them, welcome particularly to the professor, was Lieutenant Charles Wilkes, at that time head of the Depart- ment of Charts and Maps, and preparing his famous exploring expedition. The other was welcome to Mrs. Farrar and Ward; he was an elderly Scot whose extensive acquaintance with English poets and painters gave them pleasure. Miss Martineau obliged the party with a lecture on Kant. 13 Ward's letters from England, where his trip began, are not those of a young man deprived of the company of a woman he regarded with more than admi- ration. With a letter to his sister Mary he sends sketches and gives her per- mission to show them to "my friend Miss Fuller" (8 November 1836, MHi). He values them chiefly as a "faithful" record of his travels. He has heard that Miss Fuller is to give classes, and he urges his sister to attend them and to follow her guidance in reading. Miss Fuller has read more than anyone else he knows. Before he left home he had spoken to his father about providing someone to take charge of Mary's education. It was for her knowledge of books that the young man valued Miss Fuller and was happy to repay her by teaching her something of art. In Paris in early 1837 Ward fell in with young Bostonians who had joined with him to hire a teacher that they might study-Animal Magnetism. ¹4 By April he was in Rome now travelling with the Ticknors. By July the Ticknors were in Munich, the professor giving thought to Ward's plan for study. On 20 July, Ticknor wrote Thomas Wren Ward that his son would need a quiet winter in Germany to master the language (MH). The young man's health has improved but might be improved still further if he spent the summer in Switzerland. "He is certainly an excellent, well-principled young man, whom you may wholly trust." Ticknor hopes Ward will be able to join the Farrars so that he will be with a family and not travel alone; Ward hopes so too, and for the same reason. This is "a sign of right feeling" that Ticknor hopes the father "will not overlook." A postscript calculates the slight addi- tional expenses staying longer will entail. 15 1837 When young Ward reached Interlaken early in August, he found that the Farrars had acquired a charming young companion, Miss Anna Barker. Mrs. Farrar would later print an account of the miracles attendant on travelling with a beautiful enchantress: A customs officer would ignore their luggage; a prospective landlord would lower the rent; the best seats at the opera were available to them; and doors ordinarily closed were opened. The sculptor Thorwaldsen would give Miss Barker a medallion portrait of himself. The 58 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 Vermonter American sculptor, Hiram Powers asked to take her bust. Considerations of modesty and propriety made her hesitate, but Mrs. Farrar was persuasive. Miss Barker sought her brother Thomas' approval. He gave it with delight, and her brother Sigourney concurred. Miss Barker was beautiful to the young sculptor's eye. As a man, Powers found her sympathetic as well and wrote her of his joy in the birth of his son and his grief at the baby's death. 16 In the early spring of 1837, Mrs. Farrar had invited Miss Barker to join her in Europe. Her letter from Paris of 29 April is a delighted acknowledgement of a "winning" letter from Miss Barker and repeats the invitation: Whenever I have spoken of it to Mr Farrar, he has sympathized with my longing for your companionship & then a fit of prudence has come over him & he has said, "but should you like the responsibility of chaperoning such a belle. I am afraid I should not be able to protect her sufficiently against the knight errantry of Europe" but today after reading to him your sweet effusions of affection, he exclaimed, "dear child, let her come, & I will get a pair of pistols & begin prac- ticing at once." (MH) This charmer would have an instant and permanent effect on young Ward, and he was not unpleasing to her. From Interlaken on 21 August, Anna Bar- ker wrote her brother Thomas: "Mr. Ward joined us here, a very agreeable acquisition to our party" (MH). Mr. Ward had already written Ticknor of what a good time he was having in Interlaken, but Ticknor would not hear again for a disturbing number of weeks nor could inquiry at likely banks pro- duce a forwarding address. 17 The young man was indeed having a good time. For this interlude there are no surviving letters from Ward, but Anna Bar- ker helps us out. On 12 September still from Switzerland, she writes her brother: "Mr Ward and I went out to gaze at this wondrous place by moon- light. It was almost too fearfully wild "The place was the Hospice on the Great St. Bernard Pass. Evidently Miss Barker admired the dogs. The or letter, continuing the next day, reports that "Mr Ward bought a young son of this intelligent race to whom I have given the name of 'Alp.' Our affections today having been divided between the wild and affecting scenery that has burst upon us at every step & this young saint who is particularly interest- ing (MH). Apparently the antics of a Saint Bernard puppy provided as useful a topic of conversation as the sublimity of the landscape. More than a month later Anna Barker wrote her brother Thomas on 19 October: "Our charming friend Sam Ward has left us last Monday for Dres- den where he goes to study German through the winter & to return to America in the Spring. He may pass through Antwerp & has promised to see you if he can. Draw him out dear Tom and you will find a great deal in him after your own heart & that will interest you much" (MH)A is safe to infer that Ward and Anna Barker had found topics more serious than the grandeur The True Romance 59 of the scenery. 18 She is writing her favorite brother, the serious Thomas. Whether Ward got to Antwerp or not, we do not know On 1 November he is in Dresden, relieved to find letters, the more SO that they tell him Martha is slowly recovering. He tells Mary nothing of his stud- ies but has a good deal to say about hers. A letter of 29 November to him from Ticknor complains of not hearing from him, but he has heard from Ward's father of "his satisfaction at your staying in Europe. But where are you and what are you doing? I doubt not that he has later news from you than I have." Even the Paris banker finds his silence "inscrutable" (MH). With a secret to keep, Ward may not have trusted his pen. 1838 Ward was back in the States early in 1838. After a reunion with his family in Boston, he began at once in the New York office of Jonathan Goodhue to make himself a business man. The choice was his own and surprised his fa- ther who perhaps supposed that his son with his taste for art and literature might pursue a different course. Not until 1839 would the father learn that his son's effort to learn a business was calculated as a necessary step for a young man who already had marriage in his mind. Independence was his object, but with banking he was not at all happy. On 10 April 1838, he wrote Mrs. Farrar of finding more "vexation" in the life he had chosen than he had ever expected, but he does not wish to write a dreary letter (MH). "My propects as they call them are bright-as to my life that is rather my death-I do not care to speak of it." He allows himself to imagine the Farrars in Rome. It is Holy Week, and he can summon his recol- lections of the city and follow them in imagination to the places he had seen. Miss Barker is certainly a figure in his revery. He breaks out in exclamation: "The bust-I long to see it-must this too be denied me-But o what can a bust be?" When at the conclusion of his letter, he crosses his first page, he exclaims again: "Remember me Remember me-oh why should I repeat it to all that are dear to me and again to all to whom I am dear." Miss Barker is surely included in the first "all."19 His letters to his sister Mary are somewhat bleak. He wishes it were fea- sible to have Alp with him. He neither reads nor sketches; he can only hope his sister does. He hears some good music at the New York Wards; the sisters all sing, and so does Emily Astor, Sam Ward, Jr.'s wife. (So did Anna Barker.) He goes rowing on the bay and so does their father, often in New York on business. He enjoins Mary to see that "Alp is taught manners. The letters reflect not merely the trying probation he has put upon himself and his con- stant thought of Miss Barker but the anxieties of the times. On 23 April, he is more cheerful. He writes to his sister Mary: It is a busy day, and if Commerce be really the goddess they say she is this is the proudest day in her annals-and the two steam ships that have come up this morning will change her whole face sooner or later- 60 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 We were on board the Sirius this morning and have been watching the Great Western come up; she is four-masted & bigger than a frigate and it is a curious sight to see her move along so steadily through the water, all sails furled-the more that at a distance she looks like a sailing vessel- Mr. King is in-we dined with him yesterday and all that my father has been labouring SO hard for seems to be coming right-and the world coming back to honesty-(MHi)20 Danio of In Munich in 1837, Ticknor and young Ward had talked of the disastrous 37 panic of May when banks suspended specie payment and some states repudi- TWW ated their debts. Both were aware that the elder Ward was in for much anxi- ety as well as hard work. It was in this atmosphere of continuing alarm and world's uncertainty that young Ward had begun his effort to be independent. Of largest course he had heard of nothing but banks and banking. The Great Western on this her maiden voyage had brought the gold that would stave off further ship disasters. The elder Ward had worked hard to secure a saving loan from Bar- ing Brothers. In New York, the twenty-third of April 1838 was a day of great excitement and relief. Young Ward looked more happily to the future. For all his distaste for business, he could see in the maiden voyages of the two steamships, as others did, the prospect of great changes in commerce. 1838 In the summer after an excursion in the Berkshires with his mother and his sister Martha and a visit to the New York Wards in Newport, he returned home to Boston late in July, as Miss Fuller reported to Caroline Sturgis 1:339). From Providence, Miss Fuller went to Boston in August. A fragment of manuscript clearly of August 1838 is telescoped and quoted in the Mem- oirs, and a proper name appearing twice is heavily deleted in the manu- script. 21 It appears to be "Raffaello," the name Miss Fuller and, after her, Emerson used in referring to Ward. The whole passage is revealing of her state of mind. She has apparently seen nothing of Ward since his return from Europe. If he paid her a visit in Providence, as he could easily have done from Newport, there is no record of it. The manuscript passage reads: I left for Boston in August. How wearied I was, how tossed to and fro what an agonizing conflict between duty and my nature. At such times my only way is to seek some influence which might draw me from myself-I am in a state of sickly unresisting sensitiveness such as I do not remember in myself before-I despise but cannot conquer it. I want to lean my head on some friendly bosom I went to the Athenaeum [to meet Raffaello] He had not yet come-I sat down in the gallery, looked at the Judith, a Madonna (called a Carlo Manetti) beautiful but not to my taste, though brightly tender beyond compare. But its beauty may all be seen at a glance. I did [not] however, feel in a critical mood. I sank into soothing reverie and felt the [blessed inffluence of the ideal world once more. I am surrounded by records of lives which were passed in embody- The True Romance 61 ing thought not in laboring for clothes, furniture, and houses. I breathed my proper atmosphere and preened my ruffled pinions. [Raffaello] when he came did not seem to be more disposed to observe than myself. But I had not the benefit of his exquisite taste. But perhaps there was nothing worthy of its exercise. What a drive we had that afternoon! It was one of those soft gloomy times the sun is wearied out, he is asleep; and you feel a right to rest also. Gleams of [brassy] light succeeded a gently pattering shower and we sped homeward by the palest starlight. Nature seemed to sympathize with me today. She was not too bright, she was not too wild and I was with the only person who ever under- stood me at once in such moods. Romantic reveries and the ride with the sympathetic Ward could apparently assuage but not cure the "sickly sensitiveness." On her way to Groton and her family, Miss Fuller visited the Emersons 340). From a letter she writes to Lidian Emerson, it can be inferred that a chance word evoked again the pain and melancholy (1:340). The visit occurred shortly after she had seen Ward; she brought with her a portfolio of engravings belonging to him (JMN, 7:46). Encouraged by Miss Fuller, Emerson invited Ward to Con- cord. 22 Failing to secure the visit, he wrote a second time in hopes of seeing Ward in Cambridge on Phi Beta Kappa Day, a gathering time for friends. Ward evidently did not show up, but Miss Fuller did and talked with Emer- son of her despondency. 23 Her responsibility to her family and her obligation to return to school-teaching in Providence gave her less time in Boston than she'd have liked. The little that she saw of Ward must have shown her that three years had changed the boy she had met in 1835. On 3 October he would come of age. On the nineteenth of that month, Ward consulted (Amos Lawrence on the best way to travel to the western cities in Pennsylvania and Ohio and then south to New Orleans. He could not have known when Anna Barker was to return home. His principal source Mrs. Farrar did not know; a letter of Oc- tober to Anna from Mrs. Farrar shows that the date is still uncertain (MH). Miss Barker is in Paris with her brother Thomas. Mrs. Farrar teases her young friend on the gaiety of her life in Paris, hopes she is not leaving a trail of broken hearts, and warns her away from a particular "pet" the medical student George Cheyne Shattuck. Mrs. Farrar need not have worried; Miss Barker would go to Antwerp for a quiet two months with her brother before returning to the States in December. She was in New York by the twenty- third. Ward had arrived in New Orleans on the seventeenth. His letters recounting his journey make good reading 25 He is genuinely interested in all he sees and hears. The crowded Pennsylvania canal boats brought him in touch with a variety of fellow countrymen to whom he talked readily. From his travels in Europe he had acquired the habit of close obser- 62 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 vation of everything from wayside flowers to social conditions. New Orleans was very different from smoky Pittsburgh, grimier than any English city, and different too were the southern cities of Nashville and Mobile where there was no need to be "energetic" as one certainly had to be in New Orleans. (The liveliness of that city was striking whether one went to a ball or the cotton market. He is there to learn the business of being a cotton broker and to consider what occupation is best for him. To his surprise he finds that business begins to be exciting. His letters to his father show him to be thoughtful, cautious, and bent on being well-informed. In February 1839 Thomas Wren Ward would write happily about his son to his friend and partner Joshua Bates: "I shall not be surprised if he should prove to be a clever man" (MHi) The young man for his part had rarely had such feelings of exhilaration as in the sight "of the wonderful fertility and promise of some parts of this Western valley!" He recalls Thomas Biddle's saying: "You can't over-estimate the vi- tality of America." He thinks his father would feel years younger if he made a visit to the lively city of New Orleans. In a letter to his sister he is sorry that Alp has run away, but does not give him up entirely-" should be able to recognize him again at any distance." In one happy letter he chides her for not reporting on "Assemblies"; he con- fesses to a delight in dancing and thinks New Orleans may be gayer than Paris (MHi). Miss Barker is surely home. In December in New York she had sampled the opera; it seemed a "burlesque" she wrote her brother and added sensibly: "It is sad to be spoiled but I suppose we will all be spoiled back again" to become content with American versions of opera (MH). On 1 March, Ward writes a letter to his sister that clearly shows he had never seriously considered being a painter, a myth propagated by Miss Fuller: I am very glad you draw-and that you put your standard high-I don't value drawing as an accomplishment any more than any other mere accomplishment, but as a means of cultivation. The man who can use his pencil like an artist has acquired a new sense-The sight becomes more acute; we notice a thousand beautiful things, harmonies of color & forms that would have escaped our notice otherwise-then, you learn to appreciate much more the work of other minds -He who has never painted a tree does not know how the mind of the artist has dwelt on and studied every part-there is a natural appreciation of beauty-if you have it, cultivate it, and it will be to you the most valuable acquisition you can make-But this must come about by studying the great works there are in the world, seeing how and why they are beautiful, and not by dwelling upon our sensations till they become morbid-which is perhaps the fault of the modern school-And remember too that it is a false beauty if it does not appear in our actions and everyday life, and among people, just as much as in our thoughts and pursuits- The True Romance 63 Mary's For her reading he recommends biography and autobiography. "As I grow older Tlike infinitely better to read the lives of actual people than romances" (MHi). He begins to find the truth more interesting than over-heated ro- mantic fiction. Ward would paint and sketch all his life, suggest the design for his own house, and try his hand at landscape gardening, but he did not think of him- self as an artist. Miss Fuller is of the "modern school" as he describes it here. Ward has outgrown this earlier mentor who is meanwhile asking Caro- line Sturgis to make a pretty box that she may put in all she has and may have from her friend "Raphael"-poems, letters, and sketches 2:49). On 4 March, from New Orleans Ward writes his father a letter marked "Private." He can no longer keep a secret from his father especially on "a subject more interesting to me than any other" and announces that the sub- ject is a lady to whom he has been "long attached": This lady is Miss Anna Barker daughter of Jacob Barker & formerly of New York. I first became acquainted with her in Europe, where she was travelling with Mr. & Mrs. Farrar at the time I joined them in Switzerland-I was then with them about two months, and in the freedom of travelling companions soon became intimate with Miss Barker. You will excuse my awkwardness in speaking on the subject of my feelings toward her, and I will only say that from the first I loved her, and that every day added to my happiness in making me acquainted with a character that more than met all my hopes and wishes. You will not be surprised to hear that when I left her it was with the hope of being in a few years able to establish myself independently, and to have earned the right of asking her hand in marriage. Having these feelings and knowing that a long time must pass at any rate before I could look to my hopes being fulfilled, I did not think it right to seek to enter into any engagement or that the intimacy should continue till the fit time arrived-Besides that I shall always want your full knowledge in what- soever I may do, and that you be hand in hand with me in this as in all other things. (MHi) This confidence seems to have been prompted by his seeing Anna Barker again and finding that his feelings for her have deepened and that his wish to marry her is more firmly fixed. He continues this letter, now clearly anxious that the reputation of her father may be a barrier No young man was less inclined to precipitous action than Samuel Gray Ward He was perhaps more acutely aware of his youth than anyone else was. Most unexpectedly to me, after I had been here some time I heard that Miss Barker was expected home this winter-And in spite of the pleasure I had in seeing her again and with even stronger feelings that before, I would rather it had not occurred till I felt established and independent- circumstances are 64 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 now I have thought it right to follow the same line of conduct I had marked out before for myself, and to avoid both the appearance and the reality of more inti- macy than in the usual intercourse of society-and I shall continue to do so till you become acquainted with Miss Barker and until I have your full & entire approbation. That you should find in her all that you could desire or wish for in your daughter and your son's wife I have never had a moment's misgiving. But I have had much anxi[ety] knowing the opinion you have of Mr. Barker. thinking that there would be anything in such an alliance that would not be agreeable to you-and I can not tell how far this may affect your feelings-Tell me plainly your whole mind-I write you as my best friend, not to seek your permission or concurrence in any thing, for I am not yet prepared to do anything, and I shall continue in the same course which I am sure is all you could expect or ask, and which my own feelings and sense of right dictate but to possess you fully of my (most)feelings and conduct, in a subject deeply interesting to me-Have no anxiety on my account but be assured I shall do nothing you would not entirely approve I need not add that what I have said is of course only for yourself & my mother. He sends his letter by Express Mail. In Havana on 12 April, he received his father's reply of 18 March for- warded from New Orleans, and answered at once, happy that he has in his father "a friend toward whom I need have no reserve." He had been silent before because he had known "that it must be long before intimacy could be renewed & that so many things might occur meantime that it would have seemed like speaking of a mere imagination" (MHi). Not returning to New Orleans, he came home from Havana to wait pa- tiently for Miss Barker's visit to the north. It was a long wait. In the interval we hear a good deal of Miss Fuller's feelings and Emerson's, but nothing of Ward's. As Emerson's letters to Miss Fuller show, Anna Barker is expected in June, in July, in August, in September. She did not appear until October. There is no record of any anxiety on Ward's part, but he asks his sister to inquire at the Newport post office for a letter from Mrs. Farrar marked "Pri- vate" (MHi). The tenor of Ward's letters to his father shows him to be cheerful. The friendship with the Wards of New York had grown with the engagement of Mary Ward to Henry Ward of New York Mary Ward is spending a good deal of the summer in Newport where her brother visits to go boating and riding with his prospective in-laws. Ward is certainly waiting, but in a hopeful state of mind, perhaps from having told his father what he has SO long wanted. He is not however seeking company that might demand more of him than he is prepared to give. In July Miss Fuller with characteristic hyperbole would charge him with neglecting her (2:80-81). In late August avoiding Phi Beta Kappa day again, The True Romance 65 Ward made a solitary journey to the White Mountains, where by accident Emerson met him. In September Miss Fuller wrote Ward an extravagant letter. It exists only in a partial copy she made and kept. One would like to think that she had the wit not to mail it or that this portion of it did not get into the final letter. It begins: "You love me no more-How did you pray me to draw near to you! What words were spoken in impatience of separation! How did you promise me, ay, and doubtless to your own self too, of all we might be to one another Ward had never regarded her as anything but an older woman; if far from being Eliza Farrar's contemporary, still like her, a surrogate mother. He so addressed them both. Miss Fuller finds little com- fort in the "sacred name" of mother (2:90-91). Miss Barker's visit in October made all clear. Emerson met her at Margaret Fuller's on 4 October and enjoyed "the frank and generous confidence of a being SO lovely, SO fortunate, & so remote from my own experience." The visit entailed his driving Miss Barker to Newton and back, and on that drive, Miss Barker confided in him. What she said he never repeated. A year later he would tell Miss Fuller just that in a firm letter of 8 July 1840 (Letters, 2:313) after she had charged him with betraying Anna Barker's confidence in talk with Caroline Sturgis (2:147). The ride to Newton he refers to in the reply to the charge could have taken place only in 1839 and only on 4 or 5 October. A long eloquent journal passage is a record of this meeting with Anna Barker (JMN, 7:260). It concludes: She does not sit at home in her own mind as my angels do, but instantly goes abroad into the minds of others, takes possession of society, & warms it with noble sentiments. Her simple faith seemed to be that by dealing nobly with all, all would show themselves noble, & her conversation is the frankest I have ever heard. She can afford to be sincere. The wind is not purer than she is. Something of what Miss Barker confided to Emerson is inferable from Ward's October letters to his father, then in New York. Shortly after the Bar- kers (mother and daughter) left for New York, Ward wrote on 8 October: "My relation to Miss Anna Barker has not changed-yet her stay here and the renewal of our old intimacy has given me great happiness in confirming all my early feelings, and in convincing me that it is not a vain hope nor an ideal object I pursue" (MHi). Ward had never been looking for the blue flower of Novalis. He joined Miss Barker in New York for the remainder of her visit to the north. From New York, he writes on the thirty-first: "My time has been spent with Miss Anna, whom every day has made me love better, and not only love but respect and esteem." He has a message for his father; she is "glad" that the elder Ward in sending her his love "had given her the right to return it-" (MHi). 66 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 Missing his father in New York, he missed him again in Boston and wrote a longer letter on 1 November (MHi). His mother had given him the impres- sion that his father is worried about him. There had been talk of the couple as "engaged" and perhaps the gossip had been troubling. 26 In his letter of the thirty-first Ward had left the question of his "prospects" for later discussion. "My mind has been very much occupied, not frivolously, but most seriously, about this affair with Miss Anna Barker which has been the boundary of my hopes and exertions for SO long a time." And he reminds his father of his two- year probation, motivated by no "sickly or sentimental feeling." In his "con- duct" toward his father, he has "endeavored that there should be nothing unworthy of SO honourable a passion." Miss Barker had given him for the first time "permission to correspond with her." He assures his father that there was never an engagement between them, "but we understand each other completely. She knows how entirely my strong affections are hers, and her feelings for me are deep and strong in return-I wish that her longer stay had made me quite sure, but the next time we meet will, I am confident, solve the question, and make us one, or else say that it can never be." Ward was never in any danger of confusing fact and fiction. At the end of October Miss Barker returned to New Orleans by the over- land route, stopping in Louisville where she received a gift that attests to her magic. The giver was George Keats who inscribed it: "Original manuscript of John Keats' Poem to Autumn-Presented to Miss A. Barker by the poet's brother Nov. 15, 1839." 27 In Boston, in the interval between October 1839 and Ward's departure for New Orleans on 24 March 1840,- relationships shifted and the supporting characters altered roles. Recovering in part from the shock of the truth, Mar- garet Fuller seems to be assuming an air of mature wisdom, and the ac- quaintance between Emerson and Ward grew to friendship. Miss Fuller's letter of 15 October to Ward is radically different from the dramatic letter of September (2:96). She revises the text of the story SO that it now appears that if the boy of 1835 had loved her, she had known all along that he would change. Presumably quoting Ward, she begins a paragraph: "'the world has separated us as intimates and may separate us more'-'tis true, but no more than I expected though you, dear friend, were most hopeful as became the sweetness of your earlier years." The tenor of the whole letter rests on the assumption of her superior wisdom and disinterested affection. Six days later she visits Emerson and tells "a tale of sweet romance, of love & nobleness which have inspired the beautiful and the brave." The tale was "for his ears alone" (JMN, 7:273). Emerson has, however, second thoughts. He has heard this tale with "joy mingled with discontent." Although he can- not "doubt the sterling sincerity of the mood & moment" described and is "cheered" by "these dear magnanimities," he cannot "believe that a mood SO The True Romance 67 delicate can be relied on like a principle for the wear and tear of years" (JMN, 7:274-75). What her story had been about was her own feelings and in manner and matter possibly like her October letter to Ward. It is only in her version of the story that there is room for "magnanimities." Her air of detachment is carried over to her letter of 24 November with which she sends Emerson passages from her journal: "I thought this poetical journal might interest you now all the verses bear some reference to Anna, W. and my- self. I see the journal is very sickly in its tone. Now I am a perfect Phe- nix compared with what I was then and it all seems Past to me" (2:98-99). Meanwhile in this interval, Ward saw a good deal of Emerson. Emerson awakened his original desire for the life of a literary man. What he saw in Concord he wished for himself. When he left for New Orleans on 24 March, he had much to think about. He chose to go by a sailing ship. The voyage was comfortable, but, delayed by unfavorable winds and calms, took twenty- seven days. He had ample time to reflect and to prepare his proposal. News was eagerly awaited in Concord. Emerson inquires of Miss Fuller who replies on 25 April, leaving a blank for Ward's name 123). By the twenty-eighth of May, Emerson knows that Miss Barker has refused Ward's proposal and that the rejected lover is travelling home by an overland route that will bring him to Crystal Lake where he hopes to find Ellery Channing in his new prairie home (Letters, 2:297-98). In a letter of 31 May, Margaret Fuller writes: "I cannot write down what the southern gales have whis- pered" (2: 135). Either Emerson received the news before she did or she is referring to some other letter. She would receive one from James Freeman Clarke, written 24 May and reporting that Anna Barker and her mother are on their way to Niagara, and have passed through Louisville on the twen- tieth without stopping. ² She would have a letter also from Ward written from Springfield, Illinois. 29 From New Orleans on 1 May, Ward had written two letters to his father, one marked "Private" (MHi). In this letter he says: "I no longer have any expectation of making Anna Barker my wife," and says he has known the an- swer from the moment of his arrival. He is departing immediately. The re- jected lover is a good deal calmer than the spectators of this little drama. Ward goes about his travels with characteristic observant eyes, taking in a part of the country new to him, encountering a hurricane on the Mississippi River, finding in Illinois that his "bird has flown," the restless Channing al- ready en route east. In a letter of 30 May from Chicago he writes his mother: "I have nothing to do but get home as fast as I can which I shall do- long to be home among you (MHi). He arrived in Boston in early June, ill and feverish, "ague" is Emerson's diagnosis. Presumably Ward talked to his parents. To his friends he was silent. Jonathan Goodhue wrote on 13 June: "I hope your late jaunt has had its share of agreeableness & made up for dis- 68 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 agreeables which appear to have befallen you-of a long passage out and hurricane on the river and I know of what else besides" (MH). On 3 August Edward Austin, from whom Ward had learned the cotton trade, enjoined him- - "don't shut yourself off in your shell SO entirely" (MH). L is only from Ward's long letter to his father on 2 December 1843 that we learn that in New Orleans Ward had told Anna truly that the life he pre- ferred was that of a scholar and literary man; that is, a life like Emerson's TWW (MHi). And it is only from Jacob Barker's letter of 28 September 1840 to Thomas Wren Ward that we learn that Barker has told all his children that they had no expectations of a fortune and that married life required that a husband have an occupation (MHi). Perhaps for Anna Barker this knowledge and her father's history would be considerations; she was old enough to have known of the scandals of 1826-28 as well as of the failure that had brought the Barkers to New Orleans. All her sisters had married; she may have thought that duty to her parents required her to remain single. Her father admits to Mr. Ward that he had hoped she would. What was in Miss Barker's mind while she lingered on her way to Boston we cannot know. The only clue is in a passage Miss Fuller quotes in a letter to Caroline Sturgis of 12 July. Miss Barker had written that she is giving all her time to her brother Tom: "We will hope to detain him a little longer-life seems to me all adieus, this last will be grief indeed-I love him very much; there is something so deep and stern about him. Once I wanted you should know each other, now I am careless about it could you be together as we are here looking on the mountains that have become to me most beloved and blessed friends-so calm, SO ma- jestic, as if waiting God's word." Of Ward Miss Fuller reports that he has written; she had not seen him, however, until this week: I never saw any one so reduced he is even emaciated. he has lost all his beauty for the present, but was the more dear. I had a most happy time with him. He was most happy, leaning on his own thoughts, gentle, celestial, not hopeful, but faithful. He was delighted to find me in so quiescent a mood. He begged me to stay so, as long as he did. May our relation remain as sweet and untroubled as at present! Margaret Fuller's juxtaposition of these two portraits leaves a curious im- pression. It is hard to believe that all parties to this romance are in such a state of celestial tranquillity. What is clear is that Anna Barker and Samuel Gray Ward are not engaged. The letter and all the correspondence of July 1840 call attention to a puzzling The True Romance 69 entry in Emerson's Journal E (JMN, 7:383) which would seem to be of July 1840, but it ends with the impossible name Anna Ward. In the manuscript the entry appears at the top of p. [187]; it falls between entries dated 13 (manuscript p. [184]) and 17 (manuscript p. [188]). The editors of the printed journal supply the month "July" and Emerson had inserted "1(4)5". The en- try simply could not have been written in July. In July Emerson is sending the ailing and rejected lover a copy of St. Augustine's Confessions and hoping to send him the manuscript of the essay on Friendship (CU-SB). It is in July that Margaret Fuller is allowed to call on him. The oddity of the journal en- try cannot be explained as a slip of the pen and the name does not appear to have been added later. The whole entry must have been added later. 31 The spacing on the page as printed does not represent the manuscript page. In the manuscript there is a clear space between the entry at the top- the entry we are concerned with-and the entry at the bottom of the page. The latter is plainly a continuation of a topic begun on p. [186] and con- tinued, after a note on the weather, on p. [188]. In Emerson's journals, dated entries cannot be relied on to give us a date for matter falling between them. In this case, it can be established beyond any doubt that Anna Barker, who would not arrive until the sixth of August, did not become engaged until after 16 August when she left Margaret Fuller's to go to Mrs. Farrar's in Cambridge. There on the twenty-second of August Emerson, who had already col- lected Margaret Fuller and Caroline Sturgis, called for Anna Barker to bring the trio to Concord. The plans for this visit had been made before the six- teenth. Emerson did not hear of the engagement until after the Harvard Phi sic Beta Kappa/cermonies on 27 August when Miss Barker told him privately. He was flabbergasted He concludes a letter of 28 August to Caroline Sturgis with "I only hasten to write admonished by the strange news I found at Cam- bridge" (MH). On the sixth of September he explains his astonishment: "I thought the whole spirit of our intercourse at Concord implied another solu- tion" (MH). The rest of the letter is another story, but it is plain that he had been completely taken aback by the news, the more SO when he learned at Mrs. Farrar's the next day that the two had become engaged the week before the Concord visit. He reports: "There was no compunction in either of their brows." Why should there be? Apparently even Emerson could entertain "a mere imagination" and an absurd one: that his four friends Miss Fuller, Miss Sturgis, Miss Barker, and Mr. Ward would remain forever celibate, de- votees of "Celestial Love," perhaps. Quite properly Miss Barker had said no word of the engagement at Con- cord; nothing was said until relatives and friends at a distance had been noti- fied. She wrote her grandmother, Anna Hazard, on 25 August (MH). As pro- priety required, Miss Barker and Ward would have to write her father before 70 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 the public announcement could be made, as it was, at Mrs. Farrar's on the twenty-eighth. Apparently on that date Thomas Wren Ward wrote Jacob Barker (MH). The few letters of acknowledgement that survive are dated be- tween 27 August and 2 September (MH). In the last week of September, the couple went to New York. Mary Ward's fiancé Henry Ward, of the New York Wards, was seriously ill. 33 But Ward wrote his father very firmly that his wedding "must" take place on 3 October (his birthday) whatever happened. "Our wedding will not be an occasion of gaiety-but private and solemn-and even under the saddest circumstances must take place" (MHi). He has said the same to Anna and her mother. The invitations must go out to the family. Emerson was invited; Miss Fuller was not. Ward carried his bride off to the White Mountains, not much like the Alps but having their own beauty on clear October days. In an affectionate letter to her father-in-law, Anna Ward would describe her happiness and the beauty of the season, concluding: "The sky will not always be blue." 34 Nei- ther Samuel Gray Ward nor Anna Barker was inclined to cherish "a mere imagination." Miss Fuller cherished a great many. EPILOGUE On 11 August 1882, replying to a letter from James Elliot Cabot, Samuel Gray Ward wrote of Margaret Fuller: Her literary insight and power of assimilation were something astonishing (& based on a solid classical learning her father gave her). I have never known a woman her equal in these respects & as so much of it lay in the direction of my interests it was a great stimulus to me & I have no doubt it was so to Emerson. We have yet to look at Emerson's works with reference to its effect on him & not to its abstract value (though I do not mean to diminish her real value. She never had a fair chance) (CU-SB) NOTES 1. Manuscripts from the Thomas Wren Ward papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society are noted in the text by MHi; those in the Ward papers in the Houghton Library by MH; and those in the Ward-Perkins papers in the University of California at Santa Barbara by CU-SB. Quotations from The Letters of Margaret Fuller, ed. Robert N. Hudspeth, 3 vols. to date (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983- ), are noted in the text by volume and page number. Emerson's letters to Caroline Sturgis are in the Tappan papers at MH. Quotations from The The True Romance 71 Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Ralph L. Rusk, 6 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), and The Journals and Miscellaneous Notebooks of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. William H. Gilman, Ralph H. Orth, et al., 16 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960-82), are noted in the text. Information about Jacob Barker comes largely from his own rambling Incidents in the Life of Jacob Barker of New Orleans, Louisiana from 1800 to 1855 (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1970 [1855]). His name did not appear on the title page for 1855, but the matter in the book has to be his. Other sources are James Grant Wilson, The Life and Letters of Fitz- Greene Halleck (New York: Appleton, 1869), and Nelson Adkins, Fitz-Greene Halleck (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930). 3. Barker, Incidents, p. 11. 4. Barker, Incidents, pp. 150ff. 5. Wilson, Fitz-Greene Halleck, pp. 313-19; Adkins, Fitz-Greene Halleck, pp. 162-72. 6. Barker, Incidents, pp. 221, 244. 7. Wilson, Fitz-Greene Halleck, p. 109. 8. Edward Austin to Ward, 3 August 1840, MH. 9. Martha Ward's severe illness is referred to in several letters of 1837-38, MHi. 10. Henry Lee to Ward, 21 February 1837, MH. 11. Her friend James Freeman Clarke would warn her against "extravagance" of language. 12. Ward's letter to his father of Tuesday, 28 July (MHi) is dated from West Point as they go up the river on the first leg of their journey. The letter shows that the trip began a week later than originally planned. It took altogether seventeen days. 13. Eliza Rotch Farrar, Recollections of Seventy Years (Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1866), pp. 257-69, tells the story of this fourth of her trips, the most interesting of the nine voyages. 14 The tone of this letter of 10 January 1837 (MHi) is noticeably lighter than his letters from England had been; he tells his sister of Mary Appleton's presentation at court, where Louis Philippe, mistaking her for a married woman, actually talked to her. He even describes Miss Appleton's dress. He is still giving her advice about reading, but apologizes for giving in to his "itch" to do so. Perhaps the company of Miss Appleton's witty brother Tom may be having an effect. 15. Ticknor is answering questions Thomas Wren Ward had put to his son. There is no direct evidence that Ward had heard that Anna Barker was travelling with the Farrars, but Ticknor in September 1840 would claim he had thought so at the time. Miss Barker arrived in Liverpool early in July escorted by her brother Sigourney; she was to join the Farrars in England or in Antwerp where her brother Thomas was the American consul. 16. Farrar, Recollections, pp. 273-75. Mrs. Farrar does not name her but the allusion to Hiram Powers identifies her. Powers would ultimately do it all over again when Ward wished to acquire it; the marble of the original turned out to be defective. Powers' letters to Anna Barker are in the Ward papers, MH, and include his request for a life mask. The doors were opened by churchmen to whom she had letters of introduction from the Ursuline convent near New Or- leans where she had been a student. She wrote her brother Tom that they saw her as a prospec- tive convert, as ultimately she was. 17. ALS, MH. Ticknor, from Heidelburg, 21 August, says he has received "this morning" Ward's letter of the tenth from Interlaken and that he had written Ward on 5 August, care of a Geneva bank (MH). It is in a letter of 6 November to Ward's father that he complains of not having heard from Ward since 11 September (MHi). 18. Ward had travelled with the Farrars and Miss Barker for at least eight weeks, possibly nine, long enough certainly for them to become well acquainted. 19. He imagines that the travellers may be exploring the outskirts of Rome with "my Inter- laken papers for your guide." The last portion of the letter is written "Some days later." 72 Studies in the American Renaissance 1987 20. Of the two steamships The Great Western, starting out later than the Sirius, made the Atlantic crossing in the shorter time. James Gore King was the banking partner of Samuel Ward, Sr., in the New York firm of Prime (Nathaniel), King, and Ward. 21. Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli, ed. William Henry Channing, James Freeman Clarke, and Ralph Waldo Emerson, 2 vols. (Boston: Phillips, Sampson, 1852), 1:189. The pas- sage as printed has been revised as well as drastically cut. The manuscript is in the Fuller papers, MB. 22. There is no record of any kind that Ward accepted this invitation. It seems clear that Emerson did not meet Ward until the summer of 1839 and then twice by accident. See JMN, 7:221, for his seeing Ward and others at the Allston Gallery. The second meeting, also acciden- tal, was at the end of August or beginning of September in the White Mountains. The tone of a letter of 9 July to Margaret Fuller is suggestive; the letter begins: "It occurs to me that from what you said at the Allston Gallery I may look for the descent of Mr Ward on mere Concord earth one of these Sundays" (Letters, 2:208). Their friendship cannot be said to have begun until October 1839. 23. See Emerson's letter to her of 1 September, Letters, 155. 24. Lawrence's directions are at MHi. 25 He wrote every fourth or fifth day (MHi). 26. The source of the gossip could have been Francis Marion Ward of New York who was then a student at Harvard. 27. A facsimile of the manuscript appears in The Odes of Keats and Their Earliest Manu- scripts, ed. Robert Gittings (Kent: Kent State University Press, 1970), pp. [57, 59]. Mrs. Ward presented it to her granddaughter Elizabeth Ward, 14 May 1896 (see notes, p. 74). Amy Lowell subsequently acquired it. 28. The Letters of James Freeman Clarke to Margaret Fuller, ed. John Wesley Thomas (Ham- burg: Cram, de Gruyter, 1957), pp. 137-38. 29. Margaret Fuller prints this letter in Summer on the Lakes (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1844), pp. 74-76, 78-79. The date and the terrain described make it certain that this letter is from Ward. She has used what is plainly a letter from Channing before it and makes the transition by referring to the one as a poet and the other as a painter. 30. In the letter the passages are interrupted only by a sentence reporting a caller's interrup- tion (2: 150). 31. Although the name does not look as if it alone were added later, and such a supposition doesn't help much; there is, however, another oddity to be observed. In a letter of 27, 28 July, Emerson would use of Margaret Perkins Forbes who visited the Emersons in July virtually the same phrase. Of Miss Forbes he writes: "There is blandishment in her naming of your name" (Letters, 2:320). If the journal passage had no name, or if the name could be provided to have been added later, it could be assumed to have been written with Margaret Forbes in mind. Whatever explanation the reader accepts, the passage cannot be used as evidence. 32. Emerson may have read Drayton's sonnet, echoed here, in 1831, when he borrowed from the Boston Athenium volume three of Dr. Robert Anderson's Works of the British Poets; the volume contains poems by Drayton and probably this one, the best known of his sonnets, no. LXI, "Since there's no help, come let us kiss and part." The whole sonnet is certainly appro- priate to our story. 33. Henry Ward died on the second. The wedding took place as planned on the third at Mrs. Farrars. 34. Since it had rained and Mr. Ward knew it from his son's letter of 14 October, he would know that she writes figuratively here. In her postscript to the letter of the fourteenth, she had said "reality is the better part of romance." 9/12/2017 Anna Hazard Barker Ward (1813- 1900) Find A Grave Memorial Changes are coming to Find A Grave. See a preview now. Anna Hazard Barker Ward Birth: Oct. 25, 1813 New York New York County (Manhattan) New York, USA Death: 1900 The courtship of Anna Barker and Samuel Ward has been immortalized by the author Eleanor M Tilton in her article titled "The True Romance of Anna Hazard Barker and Samuel Grey Ward", published in the journal Studies in the American Renaissance in 1987. Anna and Samuel had at least three children: Added by: Jim Stevens Anna Barker Ward who married Joseph Thoron, Lydia Gray Ward who married Richard Von Hoffman, Thomas Wren Ward who married Sophia Read Howard, and Elizabeth Barker Ward who married Ernst Augustus Shoenberg. Family links: Parents: Jacob Barker (1778 - 1871) - Elizabeth Hazard Barker (1783 - 1866) Spouse: Samuel Gray Ward (1817 - 1907)* Children: Anna Barker Ward Thoron (1842 - 1875)* Thomas Wren Ward (1844 - 1940)* Siblings: William Hazard Barker (1809 - 1879)* Anna Hazard Barker Ward (1813 - 1900) Sarah Barker Hunt (1819 - 1908)* Abraham Barker (1821 - 1906)* *Calculated relationship Burial: dead-trek.com Mount Auburn Cemetery Cemetery Photo Cambridge Added by: dead-trek.com Middlesex County Massachusetts, USA Plot: Walnut Ave, Lot 235 Maintained by: Jim Stevens Originally Created by: Graves Record added: Feb 25, 2012 Find A Grave Memorial# 85689865 23. Caroline Sturgis Tappan, daguerreotype by Southworth and Hawes, ca. 1850, about three years after her marriage to William Aspinwall Tappan. (Courtesy of the International Museum of Photography at the George Eastman House, Rochester, N.Y.) 25, Anna Barker Ward, oil portrait by William Morris Hunt, 1861. (Courtesy of John H. Mansfield, Mary Mansfield-Post, Charlotte Murphy, and Diana Russell; and the Department of Special Collections, the University of California, Santa Barbara Library) 24. Samuel Gray Ward, salt prior photograph made in 1855, five years after he assumed his fath position as the American agent Baring Brotters. (Courtesy of the Boston Athenaeum) Emerson and the Church of Rome RICHARD D. BIRDSALL Connecticut College Diet 2003 TH CONVERSION of Anna Barker Ward to the Church of Rome in March of 1858 undoubtedly shocked and disappointed many Boston Brahmins and Concord intellectuals, but none reacted with "49" 3, the unwonted bitterness of Ralph Waldo Emerson. For most Amer- 217, MA. icans who had lived through the 1830's and 40's in Massachusetts, anti-Catholicism was hardly a new emotion. Nor was a Catholic conversion SO rare a phenomenon as to cause wonder. Both Catholi- cism and anti-Catholicism had long been highly militant, and 1854 the noted scholar Philip Schaff had concluded-ten years afternal by in moving from Switzerland to Pennsylvania-that "the ultimate fatc of the Reformation will be decided in America Both the great opit parties of Christendom are assembling there from all quarters of the Old World and arming themselves for one of the most earnest and decisive battles, which the pages of history will record."1 E Yet until 1858 Emerson had remained, at least in print, aloof from this particular controversy. Then, quite without warning, the news came to him from Rome of Anna Ward's conversion and plunged him into a thoughtful reanalysis of his position. He had seen Unitarians and quasi-transcendentalists like Hecker and Brown- son turn to Rome before, but Anna's decision was a very different matter. He had placed her on a pedestal as an archetype of the best in American womanhood. "Her simple faith seemed to be, that by dealing nobly with all, all would show themselves noble. She can afford to be sincere. The wind is not purer than she is. "2 That such a woman should espouse Catholicism at once saddened Emerson and aroused in him a sense of critical alarm. Here was an intelligent, well educated, adult American-"a woman singularly 1 Philip Schaff, America, A Sketch of the Political, Social, and Religious Character of the United States in Two Lectures Delivered at Berlin in 1854 (English trans.; New York, 1855), p. 234. 2 Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Edward W. Emerson and Waldo E. Forbes (10 vols.; Boston, 1911), V, 280. American Litacture 31 #3 (1959). 273-81 274 American Literature healthful and entire"-being drawn to Rome; and her surrender led him abruptly to recognize the inherent threat which Catholicism posed for his own optimistic theories of human nature and his vision of the American future. Far from anticipating this danger, Emer- son's attitude toward Rome had been a kind of romantic apprecia- tion. Indeed, he had written to Margaret Fuller from Philadelphia in 1843: This morning I went to the Cathedral to hear mass with much content. It is SO dignified to come where the priest is nothing, & the people nothing, and an idea for once excludes these impertinences. The chanting priest, the pictured walls, the lighted altar, the surpliced boys the swinging censer every whiff of which I inhaled, brought all Rome again to mind. And Rome can smell SO far! It is a dear old church, the Roman I mean, & today I detest the Unitarians and Martin Luther and all the parliament of Barebones.4 Further, he had written in his journal for 1847: "The Catholic re- ligion respects masses of men and ages. The Catholic Church is ethnical, and every way superior. It is in harmony with Nature, which loves the race and ruins the individual. The protestant has his pew, which of course is only the first step to a church for every individual citizen-a church apiece." Alongside such tolerance of Catholicism, Emerson's indictment of Unitarianism and its cool, complacent rationalism stands out sharply. In 1842 he had referred to the "icehouse of Unitarianism,"6 and had pushed his general critique considerably further. Quick to perceive the compromising prudence of Unitarianism apparent soon after the heroic age of Channing, he had written: "Boston or Brattle Street Christianity is a compound of force, or the best Diagonal line that can be drawn between Jesus Christ and Abbott Lawrence." Anna Ward's conversion, far from changing Emerson's mind, could only have strengthened his anti-Unitarian convictions. As a Quaker turned Unitarian, Anna may have experienced exactly that spiritual vacuum which Emerson attributed to the exclusive empha- sis on reason. But until she espoused the Church of Rome, he had, 8 Ibid., V, 279. & The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Ralph L. Rusk (6 vols.; New York, 1939), III, 116. 5 Journals, VII, 341-342. 6 Journals, VI, 218. 7 Journals, VII, 197. Emerson and the Church of Rome 275 it would seem, never quite fully appreciated either the magnetic force of Catholicism or the narrowness of the psychological gap which separated it from its apparent opposite, Unitarianism. Father Hecker's somewhat biased view on this point is worth noting: "The Unitarians have got rid of what is false as well as what is true in protestantism and as the false outweighs the true, they are nearer to us than the out and out protestants."8 Emerson, perhaps because he had begrudged the Unitarians even as much credit as accorded them by Father Hecker, had grown accustomed to regarding Uni- tarianism not as a blind alley from which to retreat into the well-in- sulated, time-honored fold of Catholicism, but rather as a way station to transcendentalism. When he found that even a person of the spiri- tual strength of Anna Ward had been unable to breathe the rarefied transcendental atmosphere and had thus failed to duplicate his escape from the desert of rationalism into a mystic appreciation of Nature, the blow to his romantic optimism was severe. Indeed, one writer has recorded a belief that Emerson "became quite offensive about" Anna's conversion and has maintained that "he could not retain his philosophic calm and hold the transcen- dentalist pose when the Catholic Church was in question." ",9 At the time of Father Hecker's conversion in 1844, Emerson had revealed little more than an objective curiosity about Catholicism, and Father Hecker himself had been the one to show a reluctance to discuss the subject. Yet in 1863, when he and Emerson encountered one an- other again, Father Hecker complained that Emerson "avoided my square look, and actually kept turning to avoid my eyes until he had quite turned around."1 What Father Hecker triumphantly regarded as an indication of discomfort in the face of "actual certain convic- tions" was in part perhaps symptomatic of Emerson's hesitation to be drawn into discussing a topic about which he had developed strongly emotional opinions. Once or twice, in his disappointment and bitterness, he seemed almost to be taking up the anti-Catholic cudgel of the Know-Noth- ings. After his brief talk with Father Hecker in 1863, he wrote with 8 Father Isaac T. Hecker to Anna Ward, Feb. 19, 1862, S. G. Ward Papers, Harvard University Library. 9 James M. Gillis, The Paulists (New York, 1932), p. 28. 10 Walter Elliott, The Life of Father Hecker (New York, 1894), p. 90; undated ex- tract from Hecker's diary. 276 American Literature acerbity in his journal: "We are used to this whim of a man's choos- ing to put on and wear a painted petticoat, as we are to whims of artists who wear a mediaeval cap or beard, and attach importance to it, but, of course, they must say nothing about it to us, and we will never notice it to them. but if once they speak of it, they are not the men we took them for, and we do not talk with them twice. But I doubt if any impression can be made on Father Isaac. He converted Mrs. W- and, like the lion that has eaten a man, he wants to be at it again, and convert somebody."¹1 Father Hecker's letters to Anna did, in fact, constantly reflect precisely this desire "to be at it again," and they reflected also the kind of answers which liberal Roman churchmen were giving to those standardized anti-Catholic arguments of the day from which most of Emerson's statements differed SO markedly. We need, wrote Father Hecker to Anna in 1860, a book to "show that Chris- tian perfection does not require one to close his eyes to the beauties of nature, nor is foreign to the practical duties of common life, nor exacts the renunciations of human relations. That humility is not abjection, mortification not destruction, nor obedience ser- vility." Almost a year later, he was writing again: Nothing will help more to the conversion of our people than the proof that we can be thorough Americans and thorough Catholics at the same time. The Catholic religion commends itself to our intelligence and our hearts, but there is a secret mistrust that it is not SO in practice. When we show by enough the contrary, that it is all in practice what it seems to be in theory, that it lends an additional charm and strength to our national character, we remove a great obstacle to the conversion of our friends. 14 11 Journals, IX, 467-468. Father Hecker had founded the Missionary Society of St. Paul the Apostle in 1858-especially for missionary efforts among the Protestants. Need- less to say, Anna Ward's conversion was one of his outstanding triumphs in his work, and she herself took up the missionary cause among her Unitarian friends. Among others, she succeeded in converting Grace Sedgwick, a scion of one of New England's most eminent families. Though she consulted with Father Hecker on the best readings for her husband, Samuel Gray Ward, she failed to convert him. For example, the letter of Father Hecker to Anna Ward, Oct. 26, 1861, S. G. Ward Papers: "Dr. Brownson's opinions and his manner of putting them forth are not in many respects mine but in the Church there is real liberty, and a real love for it, and that con- sciousness of truth and strength which allows its exercise. Dr. B's Review is good evidence that a man can think, and publish what he thinks, and be a good and staunch Catholic." 13 Father Hecker to Anna Ward, Nov. 2, 1860, S. G. Ward Papers. 14 Father Hecker to Anna Ward, Oct. 26, 1861, S. G. Ward Papers. Emerson and the Church of Rome 277 As replies to that popular anti-Catholic prejudice which insulted the celibate priesthood and branded the Roman Church authoritarian and subversive, such assertions served nicely. That they served not at all to refute Emerson's more philosophical critique simply il- lustrates again Emerson's conscious detachment from the common prejudice. When he did, at last, grow critical of the Roman Church, his remarks borrowed little from inflamed public opinion. He said nothing in criticism of "popery," and his concern over the Catholic threat to the American future was as different from the nativism of the common man as his concept of individualism was different from that of the more acquisitive class of entrepreneurs. In Anna's turn- ing from the "forehead of the morning back to the mediaevals," he saw, not a threat to "Americanism" in the narrow sense, but rather a threat to the much larger concept of the progress of Civilization. The Church of Rome came to seem a sort of ultimate contradiction of the mission of America, and Anna's conversion symbolized Ameri- can submission to the Old World and the dead past: Here was the happiest example of the best blood which, in meeting the best-born and best-bred people of Europe, speaks with their speech, and deals with them with their own weapons. Ah, I should have been SO glad if it could have said to them, Look, I do without your rococo. You have heard much ill of America. I know its good, its blessed simplicity, nor shall I make the mistake of baptizing the daylight and time and space by the name of Jones or Jenkins, in whose shop I chance to behold day- light and space and time. Least of all will I call sacraments those legen- dary quips of yours which break the sacraments which are most my own, my duty to my wife, husband, son, friend, country, nor can I suffer a monk to whisper to me, to whom God has given such a person as [my husband] and such children for my confessors and absolvers.15 Emerson could still admit the subjective value of the Roman Church to an individual. Catholicism, he admitted, might well be enjoyed in a dilettante way as a kind of historical romance-a saga to be savored for its beauty and dramatic color. But in terms of long-range ideological perspectives, he insisted that it must be em- phatically rejected as untrue. Not only did it set itself against the obvious intuitions communicated by Nature to every individual, but it opposed the whole forward movement of history. 15 Journals, IX, 242-243. 278 American Literature If Anna Ward could choose "repose" in preference to "truth," then Emerson felt compelled to ask himself whether his ideal of a pure and free religion remained a possibility or whether, instead, the old forms had intrenched themselves SO firmly as to admit of no human breakthrough. According to Father Hecker, the barren theology and intrinsic centrifugal tendencies of Protestant organiza- tion must, when left without state support, lead inevitably through almost endless fluctuations of subjectivity to final collapse and hence, by a negative route, to the total triumph of Rome. But Emerson was not prepared to concede any such inevitability to the domination of an organized church, and in September, 1859, he wrote: [Anna] was at a loss in talking with me, because I had no church whose weakness she could show up, in return for my charges upon hers. I said to her, Do you not see that, though I have no eloquence and no flow of thought, yet that I do not stoop to accept anything less than truth? that I sit here contented with my poverty, mendicity, and deaf and dumb estate, from year to year, from youth to age, rather than adorn myself with any red rag of false church or false association? My low and lonely sitting here by the wayside is my homage to truth, which, I see, is suffi- cient without me; which is honoured by my abstaining, not by super- serviceableness. I see how grand and self-sufficing it is; how it burns up, and will none of your shifty patchwork of additions and ingenuities. 16 Certainly Anna Ward and Father Hecker must have found in Emer- son a peculiarly slippery and infuriating antagonist. Though they were armed with powerful objective arguments, they could not reach Emerson in his impregnable castle of subjective truth. Because Emerson recorded his anti-Catholic sentiments only in his journals and in letters to close friends, they were probably not gen- erally known even among his contemporaries. His most exhaustive biographer has described him in his seventies as showing "his cus- tomary toleration toward Protestants and Catholics alike,"17 and it may well be true that his Catholic acquaintances were enjoying his social smiles even while he was privately castigating the Catholicism they professed. With public opinion already aroused by crusading critics of Rome, he may conceivably have feared misinterpretation of his own rather elusive critique. Indeed, even in the first letter he 16 Journals, IX, 244. 17 Ralph L. Rusk, The Life of Ralph Waldo Emerson (New York, 1949), p. 499. Emerson and the Church of Rome 279 penned to Anna after the news of her conversion, the signs of con- scious restraint are unmistakable, especially as compared to his state- ments in the original draft of the letter and to his correspondence with Clough. "I grieve," he confided to Clough, "that she has flung herself into the Church of Rome, suddenly. She was born for social grace, & that faith makes such carnage of social relations!"18 To Anna herself he had written some two weeks earlier: Some day-a good while hence, you will perhaps tell me-I know how perfectly you can,-of these journeys & abidings; possibly, too, of the passages of religious experience, of which I have heard remotely. Yet to me the difference between church and church looks SO frivolous, that I cannot easily give the deference which a sympathetic civility holds due to one or another. To old eyes, how supremely unimportant the form under which we celebrate the Justice, Love, & Truth,-the attributes of the Deity & the Soul! And how the few strokes of character of the few persons "capable of Virtue," we have seen reduce all we made so much of! Farewell now, & peace & joy & possession present & endless be yours! 19 Yet the original draft from which he gleaned that quietly disapprov- ing paragraph suggested quite a different intensity of disappoint- ment: I must lament the chance-wind that has made a foreigner of ou-whirled you from the forehead of the morning into the mediaevals, again. We can ill spare you, & there is none to supply your place, in the little society that I know. I suppose, to your taste for historic splendor, & poetic & mannered style, the old forms of your race looked cold & wanting. Well, to some natures, manner is so much, & Wordsworth said to me, 'yes, but the matter comes out of the manner,'-that we must try to resign you, whilst the spell lasts, to your own pleasure. If every body is unhappy about it, you must accept that cordial tribute to your genius, that we are unhappy unless you are happy in our way. To me, the difference of churches looks SO frivolous, that I cannot easily give the deference that civility should, to one or another. To old eyes, how supremely unim- portant the form, under which we celebrate the justice, love, & truth, the attributes of the Deity & the soul! A priest, as we know him, is a hat and coat, of whom or of which very little can be said: Usually an Irishman, though he comes to you from Rome. 20 "Emerson-Clough Letters, ed. Howard F. Lowry and Ralph L. Rusk (Cleveland, 1934), No. 31, Emerson to Clough, May 17, 1858. 19 Letters, V, 144. Letters, V, 143 n. 280 American Literature Only with Anna's conversion had Emerson at last felt compelled to look behind the incense and ritual, SO satisfying to the religious instincts, and to contemplate the very substance of the Roman be- lief. Having once viewed the Catholic Church as an objective reali- ty, he could no longer remain unaware of his own essential anti- Catholicism. He had already voiced more than once his distrust of institutions, and the thought of an institution presuming to claim possession of absolute truth inevitably aggravated that distrust. In- deed, for Emerson the Catholic claim was not only presumptuous, but hopelessly fallacious. Like most institutions, the Roman Church was oriented toward history and tradition, where nothing more than relative truth could ever be found. The sincere seeker after truth must, in Emerson's opinion, turn to Nature and to a living present. "We must set up the strong present tense against all rumors of wrath, past or to come. "21 During the years between 1858 and 1863, when Emerson's view of the Roman Church remained the most apprehensive, it would appear that he was gradually abandoning the subjective, prag- matic approach of earlier decades in favor of a new concern with objective values and theory. As a result, his views seemed to be hardening into a more rigid mold which approached dogma in its very denial of any dogma. Yet in spite of an occasional querulous- ness of tone caused by his deep underlying anxiety, he emerged in the end as essentially, if only mildly, an optimist. The conversion of Anna Ward, like his earlier break with his Concord congregation and like the later challenge of the Civil War, created for him a philosophical crisis to be worried over, adjusted to, and in the end successfully mediated. In his middle and later years he never lost his serenity, and by 1871, after the Vatican Council, he was able to assure himself comfortably that the Roman Church represented nothing more than a kind of historical fossil-not a danger but a curiosity. "The debates of the Oecumenical Council are," he wrote, "only interesting to the Catholics and a few abnormal readers, in- terested as the billiard players in the contest of billiard champions."22 Some eight years before, he had made an even more soothing entry in his journal: 21 "Experience," The Complete Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson (12 vols.; Boston, 1903-1904), III, 64. 22 Journals, X, 367. Emerson and the Church of Rome 281 This running into the Catholic Church is disgusting, just when one is looking amiably round at the culture and performance of the young people, and fancying that the new generation is an advance on the last. Sam Ward says the misfortune is that when young people have this de- sire, there is nothing on the other side to offer them instead. pure Ethics is not now formulated and concreted into a cultus, a fraternity with assemblings and holy days, with song and book, with brick and stone. But in regard to Ward's remark it must be said that there is the eternal offset of the moral sentiment. The Catholic Religion stands on morals and is only the effete state of formalism; and morals are ever creating new channels and forms. Morals, it has not yet its first hymn. But, that every line and word may be coals of true fire, perhaps ages must roll ere these casual wide- falling cinders can be gathered into a broad and steady altar-flame. "The mills of God grind slow but grind fine." "Don't cry, Miss Lizzie; the Lord is tedious, but he is sure."23 The positive appeal of transcendental religion might fail, he con- cluded, but the rigid and outdated church must finally be broken by the inevitable dynamism of history. 28 Journals, IX, 500-501. Caravan Holdings Information Page 1 of 2 Caravan Log in to your account Connecticut College Library Catalog Search My Account CTW Search Exit Help Titles Prev 4 of 4 This item [Papers] Record View Staff View Holdings Information Actions Call Number Location Status Make a Request FACULTY PAPERS College Archives Available/Not Charged (Recall, Reserve and New Book Requests) Title: [Papers] Print Author: Export Birdsall, Richard D. (Richard Davenport) E-mail Publisher: 1955- Add to My List Description: no. More About This Item Format: Book From Database Connecticut College Library Catalog Notes: CONTENTS: [no. 1) William Cullen Bryant and Catherine Sedgwick--their debt to Berkshire. (Reprinted from the New England quarterly, vol. xxviii, no.3, Sept. 1955, p.[349]-371) [no.2] Berkshire's golden age. (Reprinted from American quarterly, v.8, no.4, Winter 1956. p.328-355) Trupt, [no.3] The first century of Berkshire county. (Boston Public Library quarterly, vo.9, no. 1, Jan. 1957. p.20-39) [no.4] The Reverend Thomas Allen: Jeffersonian Calvinist. (Reprinted from The New England quarterly, v.30, no.2, June Bnin 1957. .147-165) [no.5] The significance of Hempsted House. (The Connecticut tape on antiquarian, V. 11, no. 1, July, 1959. p.6-9) no.6 Emerson and the Church of Rome. (Reprinted from Tuesday. American literature, v.31, no.3, Nov. 1959. p.[273]-281) [no.7] The Leffingwell Inn: past and present. (The Connecticut antiquarian, v.12, no. 1, July 1960. p.12-16) [no.8] Philosophiae Doctor. (Columbia University forum, v.4, no.3, Summer 1961. p.52-53,56) [no.9] Dilettantism in small boats. (Boats, v.58, no.5, May 1959. p.50,102-103) [no. 10] Ezra Stiles versus the New Divinity men. (Reprinted from American Quarterly, v.17, no.2, pt.1 Summer 1965. p. [248]-258) [no.11] Climate and conscience in New England. (From The New England Galaxy. v.8, no.4. Spring, 1967. p.9-15) [no.12] The second great awakening and the New England http://ctwweb.wesleyan.edu:7001/vwebv/holdingsInfo?searchId=550&recCount=25&recP... 4/20/2012 . Caravan Holdings Information Page 2 of 2 social order. (From Church history. v.39, no.3, Sept. 1970, p.345-364) Holdings Information Database: Connecticut College Location: College Archives Call Number: FACULTY PAPERS Number of Items: 2 Status: Available/Not Charged Library has: no.1-12 Database: Connecticut College Location: College Archives Call Number: FACULTY PAPERS Number of Items: 0 Status: In Library use only Library has: no. 1-4 no.6 no.9 no. 11-12 Search My List My Account Help Ask a Librarian Interlibrary Loan Mobile-Friendly Connecticut College Libraries ©2007 Ex Libris Group. All rights reserved. http://ctwweb.wesleyan.edu:7001/vwebv/holdingsInfo?searchId=550&recCount=25&recP 4/20/2012 The first century of Berkshire cultural history. (Book, 1956) [WorldCat.org] Page 1 of 2 WorldCat Search WorldCat Search Advanced Search Find a Library Cite/Export Print E-mail Share Permalink Add to list Add tags Write a review Rate this item: 1 2 3 4 5 The first century of Berkshire cultural history. More like this Author: Richard D Birdsall Subjects Publisher: [1956] Berkshire County (Mass.) -- Intellectual life. Dissertation: Thesis--Columbia University. Berkshire County (Mass.) -- Edition/Format: Thesis/dissertation : Thesis/dissertation : Manuscript History. Microfilm Archival Material : English Similar Items View all editions and formats Rating: (not yet rated) 0 with reviews - Be the first. Borrow / obtain a copy Find a copy in the library Enter your location: 17046 Find libraries Displaying libraries 1-3 out of 3 for all 3 editions Show libraries holding just this edition or narrow results by format Library Held formats Distance 1. Columbia University In the City of New York Microform not held; 133 miles Library info Columbia University Libraries 1 other formats MAP IT Add to favorites New York, NY 10027 United States 2. University of Massachusetts Amherst Library info 247 miles Search at this library W.E.B. Du Bois Library Microform MAP IT Ask a librarian Amherst, MA 01003 United States Add to favorites 3. California State University, Los Angeles Microform not held; 2300 miles Library info John F. Kennedy Memorial Library 1 other formats MAP IT Add to favorites Los Angeles, CA 90032 United States Details Material Type: Thesis/dissertation, Manuscript Document Type: Book, Archival Material All Authors / Richard D Birdsall Contributors: Find more information about: Richard D Birdsall Go OCLC Number: 32343142 Description: 475 I. map. http://www.worldcat.org/title/first-century-of-berkshire-cultural-history/oclc/32343142 4/20/2012