Samuel Gray Ward. (1817-1907, 1817-1849. File 1 COPY- S.6.Ward THOMAS WREN WARD OF BOSTON FAMILY TREE (Compiled by Ronald H. Epp, August 2019) William W. & Ruth Putnam Of Salem William W. (1761-1827) m. 1. Martha Proctor (1762-1788); 2. Joanna 'Nancy' Chipman (1761- ) Thomas Wren Ward (1786-1858) m. Lydia Gray W. (1788-1874), daughter of Samuel Gray (1760-1816) m. Anna Orne (1767-1797) Samuel Gray George Cabo Martha Mary Gray William Mary Gray John Thomas Wm. (1817-1907) (1824-87) (1812-53) (1816-19) (1819-30) (1820-1901) (1822-56) (1831-59) m. 1840 m. 1850 William Dorr Anna Hazard Barker W. daughter of Jacob & Eliza Barker Charles Hazen Dorr (1851- (1813-1902) (1821-1893) George B. Dorr (1853-1944) Anna Barker Ward Lydia Gray Ward Elizabeth Barker Ward Thomas Wren Ward (1841-75) (1843-1929) (1850-1920) (1844-1940) m. 1862 m. 1870 m. m. 1872 Joseph Thoron Baron Richard F. Baron Ernst Schoenberg Sophia Read Howard (1828-1901) Von Hoffman (1850- ) (1849-1918) Maria Louisa Lt. Col. George C. Elizabeth Howard Ward Howard Ridgely Ward (1864-1950) (1876-1936) (1873-1954) (1881-1946) m. m. 1901 m. 1896 m. 1905 T.W. Ward Wm. Crowninshield Justine Cutting Charles Bruen Perkins* Beatrice Kidder Elizabeth Endicott Jr. (1860-1929) Beatrice (1860-1936) Ward P.L.F.F.S. Thoron Francis Anna Elinor Mary * son of Charles (1867-1938) Davenport 'Nancy' Perkins Perkins Callahan Perkins & Perkins Perkins Mansfield Ryan Frances D. Bruen (1897-1970) (1899-1993) (1900-70) (1912-93) Page 1 of7. Notes on Samuel/Ward [draft] Gray Samuel Gray Ward was the eldest son of Thomas Wren Ward. Thomas Wren Ward was born in 1786; he married, in 1809, Lydia Calley Gray, daughter of Samuel Gray. They lived when they were first married on Pearl Street. Soon after that he established himself in business with his cousin, Jonathan Goodhue, in New York, the firm name being Goodhue and Ward, later Goodhue & Company. In 1817, Thomas Ward returned to Boston and bought the house at 3 Park Street, where Samuel Gray Ward was born on October 3, 1817. Samuel Gray Ward's schooling - first, Mr. Thayer's private school then, Public Latin School Dr. Cogswell's School for Boys at Round Hill, Northampton Harvard, from which he graduated in 1836. After his graduation from Harvard, he went to Europe with Prof. and Mrs. Farrar - Mr. Farrar being a Professor at Harvard, with whom Samuel Gray Ward had spent vacation periods at West Point. Mrs. Farrar was a cousin of Miss Anna Barker. She, Mrs. Farrar, was the daughter of Benjamin Rotch, brother of William Rotch who had gone to England with his wife for a brief visit shortly after their marriage and remained there permanently due to his wife's seasockness on the way over. He made his home at Milford Haven and Mrs. Farrar, his niece, spent many of her early years there. (Samuel Gray Ward) 2. The trip to England, in 1836, took 25 days. On arriving in England, he and the Farrars went directly to North Wales, then from Holyhead to Dublin, then to Edgeworthstown, Prof. Farrar having letters to Miss Edgeworth. on return- ing to Dublin they went to Belfast, then crossed to Scot- land and passed the rest of the time in the Highlands till autumn, when they went to London. Prof. and Mrs. Farrar stayed in London with her parents and Samuel G. W. joined Mr. Cogswell, his former schoolmaster, and Francis Calley Gray, his cousin, on a trip to Paris and Italy. They spent a month or two in Paris, then took a carriage to Lyons; from Lyons they went by boat down the Rhone, stopping at Avignon on the way down. Took a steamer from Marseilles to Genoa and on to Rome, At Rome, found the Ticknors. (Mr. Ticknor, prof. at Harvard; Mrs. Ticknor, a Miss Eliot of Boston; & young daughter, Anna.) In the spring on 1837, S.G.W. was invited to join the Ticknors on a trip to the north - they visited Florence, Pisa, Milan, Venice, Verona, etc. In the Plains of Lombardy, met Wordsworth and his companion Crabb Robinson, who joined their party, returning finally to the Italian Lakes and Milan. From here SGW started on a walking trip, with a guide, to Switzerland to Join the Farrars. They walked 20 or 30 miles a day, and were about a month on the way to Lucerne, where he joined the Farrars and found Mrs. Farrar's cousin, Miss Anna Barker, with them. The rest of the summer of 1837 was spent among the mountains and valleys; that fall, Prof. and Mrs. Farrar of 1837 was spent among (Samuel Gray Ward) 3. and Miss Barker went south, and Samuel Gray Ward went to Germany where he planned to spend some time in study. Prof. Ticknor had recommended Dresden and he went directly there; he had been there but a short time when he received news from home that his elder sister, Martha, was seriously ill. He immediately took a steamer from Hamburg to London, and left in a packet ship from Portsmouth. It took them 41 days to reach New York; that afternoon, S.G.N. took the boat to Providence and arrived in Boston the following morning (Jan'y, 1838. In the summer of 1838, SGW, Mrs. Ward and Martha took a trip through the state of Massachusetts for Martha's health. on the trip, going over the Lebanon Mts. from Lebanon, SGW had a look into the Lenox Valley and told his mother that if ever be went to live in the country, it would be there. Insummery 1838 met Emerson at Mary. Falleis Rome in concern In the fall of 1838, SGW. went to New Orleans with Barings' agents, Edward Austin and John Ellerton Lodge, to learn something about the cotton business. Mr. Austin and Mr. Ladge were large buyers for the factories. That winter, of 1838-39 Anna Barker returned to New Orleans from Europe, and in March, 1839 SGW writes of seeing her again and asking his father's permission to continue his relationship with her. (Samuel Gray Ward) 4. Anna Barker was the daughter of Jacob Barker, who was born Swan Islandin maine - but-velue at Netrocket. When a young man he entered the counting house of Grinnell, Minturn & Company, and married, soon after, Eliza Rodman Hazard, daughter of Thomas Hazard and Annie Rodman. Jacob Barker and his wife lived Beekman 77 new Street, having a country home also at Bloomingdale on the Hudson. Just as their daughter, Miss Anna, was beginning to go into society in New York, her father's loss of property brought about a change of residence to New Orleans, where a considerable amount of his wife's property was invested in two insurance companies which had got into trouble, and the companies employed Mr. Barker to go there and attend to their affairs. He studied and mastered the Civil Code existing in Louisiana and managed his own cases, being admitted to the Bar In New Orleans he also entered the Exchange business, and took his young son, Abraham into partnership with him; they were so successful in this business that Abraham was able to retire at the age of BY twenty-one with $40,000, with which he started in business in Philadelphia, marrying there Sarah Wharton. Miss Anna, not wishing to go out in New Orleans society, went the Q to school of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart at St. Michaels 90 miles up river till she joined the Farrars on their trip to Europe that following year. (Samuel Gray Ward) 5. In the spring of 1839, SGW returns home, visiting Cuba on the way. In the summer, visited at Sam Ward, the banker's, home at Newport, where his sister, Mary, was also a guest. In the fall of 1839, Prof. and Mrs. Farrar returned from Europe. In the summer of 1839, SGW also went to New York, and saw the Barkers there. In the spring of 1840, SGW made his second trip to New Orleans, going down by bost and returning by land, by way of the Great Lakes, Etc. He saw Miss Barker but did not advance his cause, writing to his father that he had no expectation of making Anna Barker his wife. On his way home, he caught a malarial fever and was seriously ill. During his convales- cence "Bonne-Maman, who had come north for the summer as the family always did, on the way to Newport by the boat from New York, with her mother and younger brother Abraham, noticed an elderly gentlemen sitting near them at supper, who eyed their party with curiosity. Predently he said to Abraham, 'Did I hear you addressed as Mr. Barker, and is that your sis- ter Anna whom my son knows so well? I am his father; pray introduce me to your mother and to her." My father soon found himself engaged in so interesting a conversation that he did not break it off till bedtime; andfrom that hour I am sure it would have been the greatest of disappointments to him had ahe not become his daughter." (Quoted from SGW Book) (Samuel Gray Ward) 6. SGW and Anna Barker were engaged on Midsummer's Day, 1840, 23rd and were married on October 3rd, 1340 - his birthday. TWWard bought a house for them in Louisburg Square. SGW passed a year in his father's office, keeping books in order that he might learn bookkeeping. Then he started in for himself as a broker. After three years, he decided that he was not fitted for a business life and removed to Lenox, in 1844. fall In the of 1841 writes statement to his father in regard to finances. In December, 1843, writes statement of his views in regard to business, gives resume of his early life and his reasons for wanting to live in the country. In 1844, rented a house in Lenox while they were deciding on Red Tonick a place to buy. In August, 1844, writes of a farm of 150 acres on Stockbridge Pond, 2 miles from the village of while Lenox, and on Sept. 17th, 1844 writes of purchase of 1/3 filtage of the farm. On December 1st, 1845, writes from his new home, Highwood. In 1850 SGW returns to Boston to enter the Barings Agency. priorism His home in Lenox sold to Mr. William Bullard. TWWard retires from the agency in 1853. In 1862) SGW went to N.Y. to live, being joined there by his brother George and they remained + 1865 (Samuel Gray Ward) 7. together till George's death, twenty-five years later, in 1887, when SGW retired from the Baring agency. For a few years after, the firm of KidderyPeabody & Co. of Boston were agents for the Baring firm. In the early 1870s Mr. and Mrs. S.G.W. and Miss Elizabeth (Bessie) Ward went to Europe for 3 years. His daughter Lily was at that time married to Richard VonHoffman and they our living in Rome, where they spent some time with them. Then they spent 3 months on the Nile. From Egypt to Hibilia Palestine, then to Damascus, Baalbec, Beyrut, Constantinople Matter and Athens. On the return to Rome Elizabeth met and became engaged to Ernst Schonberg, and they were married at the (30 away east end of Lake Constance, in Austria, before Mr. and Mrs. Ward left for home, where business affairs had become so Auronas threatened that the London firm claimed his promise to Hubbella return and take charge of the agency while the pressure continued. well After retiring from business, in 1887, Mr. and Mrs. SGW spent 3 A a summer or two at Rockaway, then returned to Lenox where they built Oakwood. They had also built a house in Washington where they spent their winters, later giving up their new Lenox home. Thomas Uren ward, born in 1844 [ G.B.Dorr is author]. Elizabeth - Baby in 1847 vii BIBLIOGRAPHY 'Bride'," 83. Ward Materials Thomas Wren Ward Collection. Massachusetts Historical Society. Donated by George B. Dorr in 1946. All letters between Ward and his family are to be found in this collection, except as noted in the text. Also here is the diary of Thomas Wren Ward, covering intermi ttently the period from September, 1827 to June, 1853; (a typed copy accompanying this diary is not reliable). Samuel Gray Ward Collection. Harvard College Library. Donated by Mrs. Charles Bruen Perkins and Mrs. William C. Endicott in 1942, supplements in December, 1944, and March, 1946. The collection includes: letters from Emerson to Ward: many letters of a social nature to the Wards; Ward's unpublished poems; and Anna Barker Ward's diary, 1845-1852. Supplementary Letters and other documents. Owned by Dr. Anna Ward Perkins. Specific items noted in the text. (Note: All ampersands in manuscripts have been written out. Otherwise the original spelling and punctuation have been retained, except in one or two cases when confusion no would result.) the Ward Family Papers, collected and written by Samuel Gray Ward (privately printed, Merrymount Press, 1900). A collection of Ward documents in printedited form, the major one being Ward's "Long Letter to. , 1938. His Grandchildren. AMC[samuel gray ward[1,1017,2,3,3,3,4,6,5,100,6,1]] (4-1) Page 1 of 1 Records 4 through 4 of 22 returned. Author: Ward, Samuel Gray Title: Samuel Gray Ward art works, [undated]. Description: 14 items (on partial microfilm reel) Notes: Patrons must use microfilm copy. Eleven watercolors by Ward; and photographic portraits of him, his mother, and his father, Thomas Wren Ward, each with watercolor added to the surface. 35mm microfilm reel 268 available for use at Archives of American Art offices and through interlibrary loan. b. 1817; d. 1907. Grandfather of art patron Elizabeth Ward Perkins. He translated Goethe's Essays on art (1845) . Received from heirs along with papers of Elizabeth Ward Perkins and Charles H. Woodbury, and of her father-in-law, Charles C. Perkins. Subjects: Works of art aat Photographs aat Location: Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560 Control No. : DCAW212194-A Tagged display | Previous Record | Next Record Brief Record Display I New Search This display was generated by the CNIDR Web-Z39.50 gateway, version 1.08, with Library of Congress Modifications. http://www.loc.gov/cgi-bin/zgate?present+3678338+Default+4+1+F+1.2.840.10003.5.10+47+/cgi...5/17/2005 lof4= Laurap. act 15.184kp. My dear father, I wrote a hive to George a day ontwo ago in which I mentioned that we were all doing wele, Since which nothing has happened awefs Annad confirment but been a perfectly healthy procep the is doing x = markably well, & I think her health much be benefitter by it The child i a picture of health, the judges lay of good look, but in this respect Is not look / upon a man as a competent critic of A to reserblance I have thought from 4 the first that he too be 5 like you which 6 3 I hope when you lee him you will aol consider a poor complement - Anna leaves vent happy to have a boy. Little Annie LLd are also as will as can be of become better company all the time you humble less rank has nothing to complain of his over 2 of 4 to that on the whole we are a very such latiffer handshote t see us, t Anna is much obliger to May is very kuir to offer to may hew I think in about a forthight will be a1 loon as it will he defearble for Anna to lee any one; the has and been a soul out of the house, Lrd con liter this quert very deterable for them as long as the continue weak. I wile write Many in the counte of a week. Your promiser aid will be the greatest pleature to us.- Mary lays you will like Labeeh 2 the bull this marking I as we have no very Conven 'ent place here we Thale be glas that you have it. the pedestal condition of several pieces, his packed in N 3 of4 two baper. One of these through mistake Mr. Jowle leut me L the a then not. l enclose a note to him on the subject : when you get there pieces I will lendyou the other. I thall he glad to have the perectual in town worder to have something done to it which Power recommended The have a them to day which is fall stripping the leaver from the trees- am lony you will not Dee the country in its beauty - Mith best love to all your affectionate for Sam 25 Thomas 7. Washly Boston John G. Ward to Thomas W. Ward 4 Paris, October 26, 1853. My dear Father, I regret that Martha is no better: for myself and you at home I regret it, but if I were an on-looker merely I should be happy to see one who has lived so well die so nobly. If I had children, I should have but one prayer for them, that they might so live, and so prepare to die. What matters it if one's life is young in years, when the change comes, so long as it is old in high thoughts and good works. I hear that Sam has bought a farm My own love for the country grows on me as I become older, SO I can the better appreciate the pleasure I wish that he may find in his new home. I hope that dearest Mother is well. I never pass any of the flower gardens here, which I do two or three times a day, without thinking of her. For myself, I think well enough of the world to believe that one who has SO high an appreciation as I of what is beautiful in * This was the farm at Canton formerly belonging to his friend Ingersoll Bowditch, son of Nathaniel Bowditch, the Navigator. Soon afterwards his father bought a farm im- Anpt mediately adjoining this for a country home and we purchased S. G. Ward's farm after his father's death and when he was removing to New York as = better home for his agency busi- ness. and it was there that my brother and I spent our springs and autumns thereafter until we grew up. (October 26, 1853) 2. books, in man, and in nature, may find notwithstanding the troubles of life enough of happiness. Yours most truly, J. G. Ward. Will you give Martha a kiss from me? Your lips can better tell her the love I have for her than my pen. Boston, July 18, 1854. Park Street. My dear John, It is months since I have had any letter from you, but I learn by a letter quoted me from Mrs. Haggerty that you have been with them. Mr. and Mrs. Mills mentioned seeing you in Paris. Pray write and let us know your whereabouts, and what your plans are. Your mother is delighted with her farm*, perfectly well and entirely satisfied. She is having greenhouses made and a garden of an acre prepared for fruits and flowers and is to have all kinds of grapes, etc. She and Sam have both a natural taste for the Country and your mother would, I think, like it all the year. Anna is at Sharon Springs, New York, for a few weeks. Mary and Mr. Dorr at Nahant. George and Mary Ann and Tom at New York. Tom lives at Staten Island this summer and has a saddle horse. At Canton. (July 10, 1854) 2. I have been so much occupied with the work going on at the farm that I have been hurried more than I like and rarely come to town; and time flies with increased rapidity. There is no getting a round turn to hold on Farm cycle by and all the world seems to be on the race. We rise at 6 and breakfast at 7, dine at 12, tea at 7, and to bed at 9. I am often on my feet for 12 or 14 hours in the day. The country never has looked more beautiful than now, but we keep our house open in Park Street, as we always have done, and it is not easy to find a more pleasant place. Elias and Cynthia take care of Park Street; Ann Quinn and Mary at Canton. Sam's place next ours at Canton is really beauti- ful and both Anna and himself are perfectly satisfied and pleased with it. Your mother likes hers best, so all are pleased. I find time to read a good deal and am now on Lockhart's Life of Scott. It recalls former times when we were looking for every new Waverly novel, and the kindliness of Scott's nature is brought fresh before me. Biography is always pleasant to me, and vovages and travels, but I am surprised at the number of books I have not found time to read. 1 of 2 My deaw father Thomas treen would made his appearance this morning at 2 1/2 a clock He is a fine fellow Anna suffered bf than herebofere 5 all is wele your mall affectionates Samp DO 't. Leuros Fuerday money 4% actack " 95 Homas le. wordly Boston, off Samuel G. ward to Mary it. W. worr Seabright, N. J. Sept. 8, 192 My dear Mary: I cannot let your kind letter wait for an answer, although there is only one thing I can tell you, and that is the secret of good gardening, which you raise the question lies about. In this climate of ours it all (presuming that one has a good man & that one loves flowers) in an unfailing supply of water. Living here in the land of windmills (per- haps you have one?) I have quite overcome any objections I ever had to them on the score of the picturesque, - but from my remembrance of the water privileges of Bar Harbor I have an idea you will never have enough until the lake in the mountains is brought down. I am very proud that you think my one eye still so effectual & still more so that you wanted to see me so much, and it was certainly not the want of will that was in the way of my gratifying my desire to see you by coming to B. H. but the "instability" of my condition - & my exceeding sensitive- ness to changes of weather & fatigue, particularly since my illness. But I expect to get more vigour with the cool weather & get my legs into walking order or else I am very well & have nothing to complain of. We are too happy that you take pleasure in our Loulou & Betsy. It is very kind of you too, to renew your invitations to Ward. It has been a trial to me Samuel G. Ward to Mary G. W. Dorr 2 of2 -2- Sept. 8, 192 to have him so confined to his work as he has been, but it has not seemed to wear on him & I am proud of determination to make a man of himself & put his work through. We are beginning to think the summer is over-though the weather is perfect - but I think we shall leave shortly after the 1st Oct as Tom's family then will have left or be leaving for New York. With my love & Anna's to you all Affectionately S. G. W. Samuel G. Ward sweard If $4.25 1608 K. Street, N. W. worlington 23 December, '93 DC My dear Mary: I return the interesting letters, with many of thanks. It is like a breath out of the very long past, G.1828 sixty-five years ago; and I can see myself twelve years oldj happening seed all these took place about those times. Old Tom Baring (179)-1873) (then young Tome) came along in those days while father was laid up in Park Street (he was near a year getting over the to arrange accident), about the Agency, superb in a blue dress coat and gold buttons - which he always wore buttoned up. W wrote with quill pens then and no envelopes and paid 18 cents postage as you will see on the back of the letter. It is an interesting fact that the accident occurred at a time when hater thought he had retired from business to devote himself to his books and public objects, - But nature and habit, and his own restless activity were too much for him - and he went back to work. I wish we had a good likeness of him in those days. We have had two or three of our household down with grip, but expect to get all straight next week. With Anna's love and mine to you and George, and hoping to see you by thy by Affectionate by S.G.W. Samuel G. Ward to Mary G. W. Dorr 1608 K St. N. * 11 May 199 Dear Mary: Looking over old letters of Martha's which I find very interesting, it occurred to me that you would be glad to have a copy of the drawing of her (Cheney's, is it not?) & I asked Miss Angier to try it with her Kodak. I send you the result. To me it is even better than the original, be- ing a little darker in the shadows it has more force & I Beautist think more likeness. I also send Miss sketch of me. Party I do not recognize myself in it. It looks more like a Spanish cardinal in old time, but as Miss B. said with a sigh after finishing it "I begin to see Mr Ward that you are a complex person !" I told her it was too bad she had not time to go round to the other side of me and do another. Also, in the same parcel you will find a photo by Miss Angier of one of my many sketches. She has done several & as I never learned to etch & as photography is so easy (when another person does it.) it is interesting to see your own ideas in a light & free translation. I do not know whe ther this will find you at B. Harbor or 18 C. Ave., but wherever you are, I hope you are well, & enjoying the spring. I am down (which is the cause of my pencil) with one of my usual conjestions, but hope to be well in a day or two. Anna sends love with mine to you & George. Affectionately, S. G. W. Samuel G. Wardato Mary G. . W. Dorr 1608 K Street, Wash. D. C. 19 Nov 199 My dear Mary: Though you cling SO to Bar Harbor in the autumn I suppose by this time you may be settled in Commonwealth Ave ? & well I trust ? Anna & I go on quietly, better I think, than a year ago. In arranging my papers Ec notes it occurs to me that I always meant to have a copy of Grandfather Ward's little memoir. I believe you have it, & if you would send it to me, registered, I would have typewritten copy made & return you the original. I believe there is a copy but I forget who has it.. Was our first American ancestor Miles or Joshua ? Miss Angier is improving in her work with a new Sourty lens If you like to send me any pictures as suggested some time since, they will be copied &c returned as soon as the requisite sunshine is secured to do them. When you see Mrs Whitman, pray say to her that the smallest sketch from her hand in remembrance would be most gratefully received. My kind regards to George. Anna sends love to you both. Affectionately Sam'l G. W. Samuel G. Werd to Mary G. W. Dorr 1608 K. Street, Dec'r 14, 199 My dear Mary: The pictures are photographed and being packed up to go home. We think them a success, & send you prints of them which you can put into your book. The Wm Candid is copied, too, & the M. S. will go to you forthwith, with many thanks. I find it extraordinarily interesting. I don't be- lieve I had read it for half a century or more & had forgot- ten how good it was. I will have it printed with other family documents for the family only. You didn't acknowledge the little book of prints I sent you. I hope you are not ill. By the way, after this book was gone it struck me I had written your initials M. G. W. instead of M. G. W. D. If so, will you please add the D. It was mere inadvertance which I am SO subject to that I hardly trust myself to ? up a cheque. Anna & both of us have been much afflicted by the death of Mrs Rhine lander here, where they had come for a mild- er winter. She had been a most devoted friend. With her love to you & G. Affectionately, S. G. W. Samuel G. Ward to Mary G. W. Dorr 1608 K. St. N. W. Dec'r 3d, '99 My dear Mary: good My best thanks for your two card notes and for the box of pictures just arrived, but not yet opened, and for the manuscript which I shall receive tomorrow no doubt. The copy you send would answer all my purposes for making a typewritten one, but what you say about the original in Book form "with a good many other family papers" makes me curious to see that also as I may find other things of inter- est I may wish to have copied to add to my own collections of memoranda. Don't fail to have anything you send register- ed. I enclose herewith several of Miss Angier's late photographs which we think are an advance on the earlier ones. They are mounted on pages like the book I sent you SO you can add them to the book by simply untying the string. I 3 also send a little volume of Emerson's tales which I thought (?) of too much interest not to be published. I said nothing about it at the time of publication to anyone, SO that it's connection with me might not get into the newspapers & re- porters be calling on me for my photo and a short account of my life ! But of course it is an open secret. Anna sends you best love. Except that her hands are nearly helpless from gout, & that she cannot lie comfortably at night but has to half sit up in bed & not turn over, her Samuel G. Ward to Mary G. W. Dorr 2 d From. -2- Dec'r 3, 199 condition is better than a year ago. She sits up reading much of the day by the window. I am also for the moment in better ease than usual, but scarcely dare say so, my experi- ence being that to brag is apt to bring a reverse. We are GBD glad to learn that George found so great a resource in his Its gardening. No pleasures are endless. Affectionately S. G. W. Samuel G. Ward to Mary G. W. Dorr Simily May 1900. My dear Mary: I am glad to hear of you in such vigor as you show in going to Lenox to put the house in order. I had not forgotten the book of old Mss - far from it - but as my posthumous volume will contain most of what is valuable in it, including Wm Candid's narration, and the proofs are only just now beginning to come in, I shall need it for some months to come. By the way, as to its ultimate disposition, you and I being the last of our generation, what do you think of our passing it on while we are here to 4. Ampt. the next generation in the Ward name, where alone it can be of value - Say to Tom with a letter from us requesting that it be always passed on to the oldest possessor of the Ward the Pressure name . ( note there has been a regular succession of Wards, mostly eldest sons, from Miles Ward. To insure its care, I think a case should be made for it, & marked. I am glad to know I may expect your photograph to make my number complete. We expect to leave for West End on 24th if Annis well enough, which always makes our moving an anxious question. Please regard all I have said about my book as confi- dential. Affectionately yours, S. G. W. The Pockering genealogy NINTH GENERATION. 839 Mrs. Dalrymple was a daughter of John and Jerusha (Upton) Flint. Her ancestry includes the following families Flint, Dounton, Hart, Proctor, McIntire, Upton, Frost, Beckford, Pinson, Green, Upton, Maber, Burnap, Flint, Putnam, Hutchinson, Bosworth, Pope, Folger, Morrill. See ANCESTRY TABLES 104 17. IX. 239. Martha Ann Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston, died in Boston. An obituary notice of Miss Ward, which appeared in the Boston Daily Advertiser of November, 1853, speaks of her as a woman devoted to charities, and is highly eulogistic in its character. 17. IX. 241. Samuel Gray Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston. A retired banker. Residence : Washington, D. C. Mr. Ward, H. C. 1836, spent a year and a half, after graduating, in European travel. He is said to have been a rare classical scholar, and gifted both as poet and painter. Six years of his early married life were spent at his country home in Lenox, Mass., it being his intention to devote his life to literature and art. His father had been for many years the American representative of Messrs. Baring Brothers & Co., of London, and he desired that his son should succeed him in that position. A business life, however, was distasteful to Mr. Ward; but he yielded to his father's wishes, and, in 1850, returned to Boston, and afterwards succeeded him as sole agent of the London bankers. In 1869, the headquarters of the busi- ness were removed from Boston to New York, where Mr. Ward was joined by his brother, George Cabot Ward, the style of the firm being S. G. & G. C. Ward. The brothers remained thus associated until Jan. 1, 1886. On the death of his brother, in 1887, Mr. Ward retired from active busi- ness, thus closing a connection of two generations of his family with the Barings, in which for sixty years all the American business of the London firm had been in their hands. In resigning a life devoted to art and literature for one of business, Mr. Ward felt that there was some compensation. He believed the perfect maturity of art had already been reached, and that there was not that need of the artist's work as there was during the classic period. He believed Google Original from PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 840 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. that man had still an important mission to his fellow-men, and that it was best fulfilled by the interlacing of nations and races. For this end, he believed that commerce was to be the principal means, and that, by becom- ing the representative of one of the greatest commercial houses which bind together the four quarters of the globe, he could be the means of working for men. For this end he acted. During the Rebellion, Mr. Ward was a warm supporter of the govern- ment. At his office, 28 State Street, gathered the representative business men of Boston; and there were proposed and carried out many valuable measures in harmony with the ideas of Governor Andrew. Mr. Ward's views of humanity were of the largest kind, both in busi- ness transactions, in politics, and in social life. His house was a gather- ing-place for the wise, the good, and the most brilliant men and women of the day. He was one of the founders and original trustees of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. 17. IX. 241. Anna Hazard Barker, the wife of Samuel G. Ward, born in New York City. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of Jacob and Elizabeth (Hazard) Barker, of New York. Elizabeth Hazzard Barker [2. IX. 13] is her niece. Her ancestry includes the following families : Barker, Williams, Prince, Collier, Folger, Gibbs, Morrill, Barnard, Barnard, Hervey, Folger, Gibbs, Morrill, Gardner, Frier, Shattuck, Church, Severance, Coffin, Thember, Stevens, Bunker, Godfrey, Look, Bunker, Godfrey, Hazard, Brownell, Borden, Earle, Robinson, Allen, Bacon, Potter, Hazard, Wilson, Rodman, Clark, Scott, Willett, Borden, Clayton, Wanton, Freeborn, Brownell. See IX ANCESTRY TABLES 106. 17. IX. 243. Mary Gray Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston. Residences Boston, Mass., and Bar Harbor, Maine. Mrs. Dorr is a woman of decided views, is fond of sketching, and Revotes much time to society. Her tastes are cultivated, and she has avelled all over the world. Google Original from PRINCETON UNIVERSITY The Sturgis-Tappan Family Papers, 1812-1982: Contents List Page 1 of 3 The Co lage home help about search Home >> Sophia Smith Collection >> The Sturgis-Tappan Family Papers, 1812-1982 Contents List Sophia Smith Collection Smith College Northampton, MA KEE SERIES I. BIOGRAPHICAL (1836- 1982) MATERIAL Family history Photocopies of pages from various 1914, 1973, Box 1: folder books, n.d. 1 The American Transcendentalists: Their (1957) Box 1: folder Sturgis-Tappan Family Prose and Poetryand The (1950) 2 Papers Transcendentalists: An Anthology by n.d. Perry Miller: photocopies of excerpts, Notes taken on the Tappan family by n.d. Box 1: folder Browse Finding Aid: George McCandlish: photocopies, 3 Collection Overview Caroline Sturgis Tappan and the 1982 Box 1: folder - Biographical Note Grand Tour by George Dimock (2 4 - Scope and Contents of the Collection copies) - Information on Use Account of Lewis Henry Tappan's first circa 1823 Box 1: folder - Additional Information two years (brother of William 5 - Search Terms Aspinwall Tappan), by his father, Series Descriptions > Contents List Lewis Tappan, Note: [See Oversize Materials] View Entire Finding Aid Caroline Sturgis Tappan: photograph, n.d. Box 1: folder 6 Tanglewood: correspondence, 1836-56, Box 1: folder n.d. 7 SERIES II. CORRESPONDENCE (1812- 1913) Caroline Sturgis Tappan Family Bigelow, William S., n.d. Box 1: folder 8 Dixey, Ellen Sturgis Tappan, 1875-87 Box 1: folder 9-11 Dixey, Richard Cowell, 1875-85 Box 1: folder 12 Goodwin, Ezra, 1828 Box 1: folder 13 Hooper, Anne Sturgis, 1855-59, Box 1: folder n.d. 14-15 Hooper, Edward W., 1861 Box 1: folder 16 Sturgis, Susan, 1849, n.d. Box 1: folder 17 Sturgis, William, 1848-50 Box 1: folder 18 Tappan, Lewis (combined letter 1861 Box 1: folder from Caroline Sturgis Tappan 19 and Ellen Sturgis Tappan (Dixey) [father-in-law/grandfather, respectively], Tappan, Mary Aspinwall, 1887, n.d. Box 1: folder 20 Unidentified relative, 1849 Box 1: folder 21 Friends and acquaintances Channing, William Ellery, n.d. Box 1: folder 22 Child, Lydia Maria, 1847 Box 1: folder 23 Note: https://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/sophiasmith/mnsss112_list.htm 7/16/2018 The Sturgis-Tappan Family Papers, 1812-1982: Contents List Page 2 of 3 Emerson, Ralph Waldo (includes 1838-72, Box 1: folder some photocopies), n.d. 24-35 Hawthorne, Sophia, 1842 Box 1: folder 36 James, William, 1882 Box 1: folder 37 White, Ellen, n.d. Box 1: folder 38 Unidentified fragments, n.d. Box 1: folder 39 Mary Aspinwall Tappan Family General, 1887, n.d. Box 2: folder 1 Bigelow, William S 1888, Box 2: folder 1913, 2 n.d. Brooks, Gorham, 1913 Box 2: folder 3 Dixey, Arthur Sturgis, 1890-1905, Box 2: folder n.d. 4-5 Note: [See also Oversize Materials] Dixey, Ellen Sturgis Tappan, 1879-1910 Box 2: folder 6-7 Dixey, Rosamond Sturgis, 1908-24 Box 2: folder 8 Tappan, William Aspinwall, 1886-1904, Box 2: folder n.d. 9 Friends and acquaintances James, William, 1901, n.d. Box 2: folder 10 Miscellaneous, 1905-32 Box 2: folder 11 Other family members Bigelow, William S. to family, n.d. Box 2: folder 12 Davis, John to William W. Sturgis, 1816 Box 2: folder 13 Dixey, Ellen Sturgis Tappan to various 1851-95 Box 2: folder recipients, 14 Dixey, Richard W. to wife, Rebecca 1859 Box 2: folder Dixey, 15 Hooper, Anne Sturgis to various 1851, n.d. Box 2: folder recipients, 16 Hooper, Ellen Sturgis to William Swain, 1844 Box 2: folder 17 Sturgis, Ellen M. to Ellen Goodwin, 1815-25 Box 2: folder 18 Sturgis, Susan to William Swain, 1846 Box 2: folder 19 Sturgis, William to various recipients, 1812-59 Box 2: folder 20 Sturgis, William W. to various recipients, 1822 Box 2: folder 21 Tappan, Susan A. to "Mrs. Colonel 1821 Box 2: folder Aspinwall' (sister), 22 Tappan, William Aspinwall to various 1855-1903, Box 2: folder recipients, n.d. 23 Third party Emerson, Ralph Waldo Forbes, Margaret, n.d. Box 2: folder 24 Peabody, Elizabeth Palmer, n.d. Box 2: folder 25 1845 d https://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/sophiasmith/mnsss112_list.htm 7/16/2018 The Sturgis-Tappan Family Papers, 1812-1982 Contents List Page 3 of 3 Box 2: folder 27 SERIES III. WRITINGS AND (1849-59) DRAWINGS Drawings: Tappan, Caroline Sturgis Pencil sketches, 1846-57, Box 3: folder n.d. 1-2 Pencil sketches and watercolor n.d. Box 3 paintings: album, Note: [Located in Box 4] Poetry Tappan, Caroline Sturgis: handwritten n.d. Box 3: folder booklet of poetry with pressed 3 flowers, Tappan, Caroline Sturgis and Ellen 1836, n.d. Box 3: folder Sturgis Hooper (?): miscellaneous 4 poems, Note: [See also Oversize Materials] "G.W.": "Nebulae," n.d. Box 3: folder 5 Unidentified author: handwritten book n.d. Box 3: folder of poems, 6 Correspondence pertaining to Rainbows for 1849-59 Box 3: folder Children by Lydia Maria Child, 7 Published etchings by various artists of sites in n.d. Box 3: folder Great Britain, 8 Album of pencil sketches and watercolor n.d. Box 4 paintings by Caroline Sturgis Tappan, OVERSIZE MATERIALS Letter to Mary Aspinwall Tappan from Arthur 29 Nov Flat file Sturgis Dixey, 1894 (?) Questions about this collection? Contact the archives Home I Help I About Search https://asteria.fivecolleges.edu/findaids/sophiasmith/mnsss112_list.htm 7/16/2018 Samuel Gray Ward art works, [undated]. Page 1 of 1 Archives, Manuscripts, Photographs Catalog Login My List 0 ? Help Smithsonian Institution Research Information System (SIRIS) or Search Search Images About Keyword Browse Finding Aids Combined Browse Images Search History All Catalogs Search: All Name Browse Ward, Samuel Gray. Refine Search Return to results Previous > You are only searching: Archives, Manuscripts and Photographs More Smithsonian Searches Samuel Gray Ward art works, [undated]. Add to my list Who else has Creator: Ward, Samuel Gray Ward, Samuel Gray Title: Samuel Gray Ward art works, [undated]. Works of art Phy. Description: 14 items (on partial microfilm reel) Photographs reel 268 Additional forms: 35mm microfilm reel 268 available for use at Archives of American Art offices and through interlibrary loan. Bio / His Notes: b. 1817; d. 1907. Grandfather of art patron Elizabeth Ward Perkins. He translated Goethe's Essays on art (1845). Summary: Eleven watercolors by Ward; and photographic portraits of him, his mother, and his father, Thomas Wren Ward, each with watercolor added to the surface. Provenance: Received from heirs along with papers of Elizabeth Ward Perkins and Charles H. Woodbury, and of her father-in-law, Charles C. Perkins. Restrictions: Patrons must use microfilm copy. Form / Genre: Works of art Photographs Repository Loc: Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560 Local Number: AAA 268 AAA Item information No Item Information Format: HTML Plain text Delimited Subject: Samuel Gray Ward art works, [undated]. Email to: Send Horizon Information Portal 3.09_74.01 SIRIS Smithsonian Institution Research Information System © 2001-2004 Smithsonian Institution All rights reserved. http://siris-archives.si.edu/ipac20/ipac.jsp?session=12712G63Y707K.5589&profile=all&s. 4/14/2010 Ward, Samuel Gray. Papers of Samuel Gray Ward and Anna Hazard Barker Ward: Guide. Page 1 of 69 bMS Am 1465 Ward, Samuel Gray. Papers of Samuel Gray Ward and Anna Hazard Barker Ward: Guide. Houghton Library, Harvard College Library VI i 265 See Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138 C 2002 The President and Fellows of Harvard College Descriptive Summary * Repository: Houghton Library, Harvard College Library, Harvard University Location: b Call No.: MS Am 1465 Slew Creator: Ward, Samuel Gray. Title: Papers of Samuel Gray Ward and Anna Hazard Barker Ward, S.P.A. Date(s): 1823-1934 (inclusive) 1837-1900 (bulk). Abstract: Papers of Samual Baker Ward and his wife Anna Hazard Barker Ward, friends way eorsing Quantity: 7 boxes (2.3 linear ft.) of Ralph Waldo Emerson and associates of the Transcendentalists. Administrative Information Acquisition Information: *42M-2088. Gift of Mrs. William C. Endicott and Mrs. Charles Bruen Perkins; received: 1942 and 1944. Historical Note Ward (1817-1907), a banker in Boston and New York, was a friend of Ralph Waldo Emerson and an associate of the Transcendentalists. Anna Hazard Barker Ward was his wife. Organization Organized into the following series: http://oasis.harvard.edu/html/hou00309.htm 8/15/2003 I. Papers II. Other papers III. Miscellanea Scope and Content Chiefly letters to the Wards from relatives, friends, and business associates; also some letters by them, a few poems by Samuel Ward, and a diary, 1845-1852, and commonplace book of Anna Ward. The chief correspondent represented is Ralph Waldo Emerson. Others include Joshua Bates, John Murray Forbes, Margaret Fuller, Otto and Jenny Lind Goldschmidt, Augustine Heard, Henry James (the father), Fanny Kemble, Charles Eliot Norton, Elizabeth Peabody, Catherine Maria Sedgwick, Charles Sedgwick, Elizabeth Buckminster Dwight Sedgwick, Celia Laighton Thaxter, and Sarah Butler Wister. Container List Series: I. Papers (1) Adams, Charles Francis, 1807-1886. A.L.s. (C.F.Adams) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; [n.p.] 18 Jun [18--?] folder ([1]p.) (2) Adams, Charles Francis, 1807-1886. A.L.s. (C.F.Adams) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; London, 1 Apr 1863. folder ([3]p.) (3) Adams, Charles Francis, 1807-1886. A.L.s. (C.F.Adams) to [Samuel Gray Ward];London, 19 Jun 1863. folder ([4]p.) (4) Adams, Charles Francis, 1835-1915. A.L.s. (Charles F. Adams) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; South Lincoln, 9 Nov [1900] folders ([7]p.) (5) Adams, Marian (Hooper) 1843-1885. A.L.s. (Marian Adams) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Alexandria, 15 Mar [1873] folder ([4]p.) (6) Adlerspawr, A A.L.s. (A.Adlerspawr) to [Mrs. Anna Hazard Barker Ward]; [n.p.] 10 Jun 1862. folder ([2]p.) With envelope. (7) Adlerspawr, A A.L.s. (A.Adlerspawr) to [Anna Hazard Barker Ward]; Carlskrona, 23 Sept 1862. folder ([2]p.) Addressed on p. [4]. (8) Adlerspawr, A A.L.s. (A.Adlerspawr) to [Anna Hazard Barker Ward]; Stockholm, 21 Apr 1869. folder ([3]p.) (9) Agassiz, Alexander, 1835-1910. A.L.s. (A.Agassiz) to [Anna Hazard Barker Ward]; Cambridge, 21 Sept [1860] 1/2 folder ([1]p.) (10) Agassiz, Elizabeth Cabot (Cary) 1822-1907. A.L.s. (Elizabeth C. Agassiz) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Cambridge, 5 Nov 1900. folder ([3]p.) (11) Agassiz, Louis, 1807-1873. A.L.s. (L.Agassiz) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; [n.p., 185-?] folder ([1]p.) (12) Agassiz, Louis, 1807-1873. A.L.s. (L.Agassiz) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Cambridge, 29 Dec [185-?] ([2]p.) (13) Agassiz, Louis, 1807-1873. A.L.s. (L.Agassiz) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; [Cambridge] 24 Dec 1860. folder ([3]p.) (14) Agassiz, Louis, 1807-1873. A.N.s. (L.Agassiz) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Cambridge, 9 May 1861. ([1]p.) (15) Allen, Mary W A.L.s. (Mary W.Allen, and 5 others) to [Margaret (Fuller) Ossali]; http://oasis.harvard.edu/html/hou00309.html 8/15/2003 Ward, Samuel Gray. Papers of Samuel Gray Ward and Anna Hazard Barker Ward: Guide. Page 15 of 69 [1873. ]folder ([1]p.) (252) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Cheshire, 20 Mar 1876. folder ([3]p.) (253) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Cheshire, 29 Nov 1876. folder ([2]p.) (254) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; [n.p.] 29 Oct 1877. folder ([5]p.) (255) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Cheshire, 15 Jan 1879. folder ([4]p.) (256) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Exeter, 4 Aug 1879. folder ([3]p.) (257) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; 28 Jun 1880, Exeter. folder ([4]p.) (258) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; 27 Dec 1880. folder ([4]p.) (259) Dixon, Joshua A.L.s. (Joshua Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Exeter, 25 Jun [1882. ]folder ([4]p.) (260) Dixon, Mrs. Margaret A.L.s. (Margaret Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Letherhead, 21 Jan 1886. folders ([8]p.) (261) Dixon, Mary L A.L.s. (M.L.Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward];[Liverpool] 16 Oct [185-?] folders ([8]p.) (262) Dixon, Mary L A.L.s. (M.L.Dixon) to [Anna Hazard (Barker)] Ward; [Liverpool] 4 May [1858]([2]p.) (263) Dorr, George Bucknam, 1853- Typescript of letter to [Thomas Wren Ward]; Bar Harbor, Nov 1933. (31.) Enclosure: typed annotation, identifying people mentioned in this letter. (264) Dorr, George Bucknam, 1853-Typescript of letter to T[h]om[as Wren Ward]; Bar Harbor, 3 May 1934. ([1]p.) (265) Dorr, Mary Gray (Ward) A.L.s. (M.G.W.Dorr) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Nice, 11 Dec [1875] folder ([4]p.) (266) Downing, Andrew Jackson, 1815-1852. A.L.s. (A.J.Downing) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Newburgh, 14 May 1849. folder ([4]p.) (267) Downing, Andrew Jackson, 1815-1852. A.L.s. (A.J.Downing) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; Newburgh, 1 Jul 1850. folder ([2]p.) (268) Dresel, Anna (Loring) A.L.s. (Anna Loring) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward];[n.p.] 15 Oct [186-?] folder ([4]p.) (269) Dresel, Anna (Loring) A.L.s. (Anna Dresel) to [Anna Hazard (Barker)] Ward; Dresden, 22 May [18]72. folder ([4]p.) (270) Dresel, Anna (Loring) A.L.s. (Anna Dresel) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Dresden, 30 May [1872. ]folder ([4]p.) (271) Dresel, Anna (Loring) A.N.s. (Anna L.Dresel) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Boston, 19 May 1873. ([1]p.) (272) Dresel, Otto, 1826-1890. A.L.s. (Otto Dresel) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; [n.p., 18--?] ([1]p.) (273) Dresel, Otto, 1826-1890. A.L.s. (Otto Dresel) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; North Conway, 11 Aug [186-?] folder ([3]p.) (274) Dresel, Otto, 1826-1890. A.L.s. (Otto Dresel) to [Anna Hazard (Barker) Ward]; Beverly, 21 Sept 1868. folder ([2]1.) (275) Dresel, Otto, 1826-1890. A.L.s. (Otto Dresel) to [Samuel Gray Ward]; [Boston, 187-?] folder ([3]p.) http://oasis.harvard.edu/html/hou00309.html 8/15/2003 482 November 1907 November 1907 483 To Ida Minerva Tarbell The greatest pleasure your book has constantly brought me, for it has laid close at hand through it all, came from the ever-present assurance 95 IRVING ST. I CAMBRIDGE. Nov 17.07 that you had cared to send it. The book itself, meanwhile, grows more Dear Miss Tarbell, surely memorable. I cannot quite adjust my thoughts, even yet, to all I thank you for your letter, too long unanswered. It may be (tho the terms of it. I am sure, however, that it comes nearer the philosophy isn't likely) that I shall have some stuff susceptible of popularization. I toward which I have blundered through my fifty years than I should at happens that just at this moment McClure is accepting a short address first have thought it could. That what we call truth is itself conditioned that I gave at Radcliffe College the other day-the last "address" I shall by the imperfections of our wits and our language is as plain as that the ever give in my life! Someone from that magazine had interviewed m earth turns. That we live and die in terms of surmise is another little wife during my absence in the Country about my writing some article truth not to be gainsaid. That we need not think in these lesser terms and she had promised to "submit" that as soon as it was delivered, with clear. That the terms in which we think, at our wisest, are as far this the result of their accepting it if I will make it a soliloquy-a least no de perfection soon comes to follow. Finality is nowhere within human an address on a particular occasion. So I must now soliloquize it. That we can always press some way further on the road thither is have nothing now in sight for a possible "American." But I shan't for hat makes life at once most despairing and most inspiring. get!-What a beautiful November. Faint, old as all this may seem, it will perhaps tell you better than any Very sincerely yours, Wm Jam fort to be more precise what the vistas are when I have strayed with ALS: PMA our or from you, during the months of silence. In temperament, I am Ida Tarbell, previously with McClure's Magazine, was at this time associated with A ore and more the Tory I was born. It is a good world, this, and a very ican Magazine. MI at the same time. Progress takes us into new regions of both sorts. 2WJ's "Social Value of the College-Bred." We who would rather linger cherish the old good- that, ill as nings go, they might go worse. You who press on have more confident From Barrett Wendell ope not completely sustained, I personally think, by the noble, tragic story of human aspiration. But, at heart, we are more at one than 358 Marlborough Street, I 19 November 100 re careless moments sometimes make us fancy. For what we both Dear James: for most is that the truth we leave behind us shall help the time to The pure delight your letter brings me is dimmed by sense of one towards more righteousness that it has been our own passing lot carelessly I must have seemed to neglect you all these months.1 WH diffuse. Pragmatism came to me, a night-mare of a summer was beginning was pleasant to see Billy the other day. Every hearty message to dear old Aunt Sarah Barrett, who has no other of her line near by and to you all. a stroke of paralysis, which seemed final.² She lingered, day by day Always sincerely yours Barrett Wendell I had-gladly, too, for she has been perhaps the most constantly bms Am 1092.9 (683) lightful of all my kin since I was a baby-to be with her every day. WI's letter of 18 November 1907 is calendared. ter weeks, she began, most deplorably, to recover a bed-ridden Sarah Barrett was a sister of Mary Bertoldi Barrett Wendell, Wendell's mother. tence. Incidentally, there were many perplexities-a new thing for in just this aspect. It goes on still. She is really better, to survive definitely. I do not have to see her constantly, though I am there as Margaret Mary James ten as possible. From May to October, however, I hardly missed And it was all I could do-Letters, work, reading, everything wen 95 IRVING ST. I CAMBRIDGE. Nov the board. And SO the weeks passed into months, without a word Peg- This is just a note, snatcht into the before breakfast hour, you; until, for my shame, I didn't write. others being still up stairs, to say that we are gladly expecting you 404 for Thanksgiving. We have been having rather busy times, with Sher I am now hurrying to Harvard Square with your bundle. I suppose win Gibbens, Miss Pope, etc spending the nights, but it's over. I too you got the previous one, also expressed to the Hotel by Adams express. have got off some extra jobs, and can settle to work on the Hodgson This one goes by American Express. Please acknowledge receipt! Piper records, beginning to day. Bill is gone with Roger W. superscript(2) to the Yours, as ever, I WJ. Cape-poor things! the weather being SO bad. Your mother is well ALS: CtY no headaches. Mrs. Piper is in Boston at last. Geo Dorr also. I saw The Mills Hotels were in New York City. James Bates Peterson, WJ's long-standing him yesterday at Sam Ward's funeral at Mount Auburn 3 Royce is giv- charity, resided in one of them. ing Lowell lectures, I shall go to night. 4 Also for the 2nd time to Lo! hengrin at the Castle Square Theatre to morrow night. 5 Think of 3 weeks of that superlative Opera with best seats at 50 cents!! Keep well To Wincenty Lutoslawski and give my love to Mary W.. 6 I'm summoned to bkfst! 95 IRVING ST. I CAMBRIDGE. Nov. 23. [1907] Your loving W.J. Dear Luto-Your heartrending letter of yesterday arrives this A.M.-all ALS: MH bms Am 1092.9 (3090) the effect of Mills Hotel! Aussi que diable alliez vous faire dans cette In his diary for 18 November 1907 WJ notes: "Sherwin Gibbons and his wife for the galère? The brutality of their not receiving the package because it was night." 2 Roger Sherman Warner. unpaid! I ought to have paid it, but I imagined your feeling pleased at Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907), American banker, father of Thomas Wren Ward. paying it yourself. A similar package (also unpaid) (the second) went 4 WJ's diary entry for 21 November 1907 is: "Went to Royce's Lowell lecture. Loyalty. the day before yesterday (or yesterday, I can't remember which, my brain See letter to Cattell of 21 August 1907. is SO muddled in these days). 5 According to his diary WJ saw Lohengrin on 15 November and thought the "bass I hope you wont turn away from America merely on account of the singer" splendid. brutalities of the Mills Hotel. As regards the general question of what 6 Mary Worthington. you had better do next, I confess that I have no advice to give. Your lines of activity-Yoga & Poland- SO remote from anything that I To Wincenty Lutoslawski have had experience of, that I have no intuitive impressions. All I know is that one can't build up anything solid all of a sudden. Unless you 95 IRVING ST. I CAMBRIDGE. Nov 21. 07 wish simply to be passive, I should not go to Asheville yet. And if you Dear Luto-Truly you lead an adventurous life! Your record of do wish simply to be passive, there are numerous places in Europe far achievements in your long letter which arrives this morning, is wonder more erfreulich than that. Your provincial tour in Massachusetts was SO ful. You ask me to address you at "General Delivery" which I do as far successful, that I would try to work that line a bit first. Why not go next as this letter goes, but the bundle of pamphlets that came two days ago, to Chicago? and see if any opening occurs? I can do nothing in the way I prefer to send by express, as it exceeds the limit of 4 pounds weight, of help, for I have no access either to Yoga circles or Polish circles, and and to send it to the hotel, where I am very sure you will find it. The having seen you started in both those ways (I tell everyone that you are Mills Hotels are charity institutions, almost, built for working men, and the Yoga of my Energies article() 1, I must leave the resultant in the barely [able] to pay interest on plant.¹ I'm surprised that Fletcher hands of yourself and Time! Don't leave America yet. Wait for some- should have sent you there. You must have given him a tremendous impression of your asceticism.-Don't hope for anything more from thing to turn up! Yours as ever W.J. Lowell, who probably thinks he has done all he can for Poland by hav- ALS: CtY ing had you! As for a bank, I have no direct knowledge of New York Banks, but all the large ones must be sound, e.g. the Fifth Avenue B. the 1st, or the 2nd National Banks, etc. You will probably have to be identified by someone before they will open an account for your check. THE PICKERING GENEALOGY: BEING AN ACCOUNT OF THE first Three Generations OF THE PICKERING FAMILY OF SALEM, MASS., AND OF THE DESCENDANTS OF JOHN AND SARAH (BURRILL) PICKERING, OF THE THIRD GENERATION. BY HARRISON ELLERY " AND CHARLES PICKERING BOWDITCH. VOL. III. PAGES 773-1284. PRIVATELY PRINTED. 1897. L. OF CONGRESS OF FEB 4 *1898 Register of Copyrists TWO COPIES RECEIVED .NINTH GENERATION. 839 Mrs. Dalrymple was a daughter of John and Jerusha (Upton) Flint. Her ancestry includes the following families: Flint, Dounton, Hart, Proctor, McIntire, Upton, Frost, Beckford, Pinson, Green, Upton, Maber, Burnap, Flint, Putnam, Hutchinson, Bosworth, Pope, Folger, Morrill. See ANCESTRY TABLES 17. IX. 239. Martha Ann Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston, died in Boston. An obituary notice of Miss Ward, which appeared in the Boston Daily Advertiser of November, 1853, speaks of her as a woman devoted to charities, and is highly eulogistic in its character. 17. IX. 241. Samuel Gray Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston. A retired banker. Residence : Washington, D.C. Mr. Ward, 1836, spent a year and a half, after graduating, in European travel. He is said to have been a rare classical scholar, and gifted both as poet and painter. Six years of his early married life were spent at his country home in Lenox, Mass., it being his intention to devote his life to literature and art. His father had been for many years the American representative of Messrs. Baring Brothers & Co., of London, and he desired that his son should succeed him in that position. A business life, however, was distasteful to Mr. Ward; but he yielded to his father's wishes, and, in 1850, returned to Boston, and afterwards succeeded him as sole agent of the London bankers. In 1869, the headquarters of the busi- ness were removed from Boston to New York, where Mr. Ward was joined by his brother, George Cabot Ward, the style of the firm being S. G. & G. C. Ward. The brothers remained thus associated until Jan. 1, 1886. On the death of his brother, in 1887, Mr. Ward retired from active busi- ness, thus closing a connection of two generations of his family with the Barings, in which for sixty years all the American business of the London firm had been in their hands. In resigning a life devoted to art and literature for one of business, Mr. Ward felt that there was some compensation. He believed the perfect maturity of art had already been reached, and that there was not that need of the artist's work as there was during the classic period. He believed 840 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. that man had still an important mission to his fellow-men, and that it was best fulfilled by the interlacing of nations and races. For this end, he believed that commerce was to be the principal means, and that, by becom- ing the representative of one of the greatest commercial houses which bind together the four quarters of the globe, he could be the means of working for men. For this end he acted. During the Rebellion, Mr. Ward was a warm supporter of the govern- ment. At his office, 28 State Street, gathered the representative business men of Boston; and there were proposed and carried out many valuable measures in harmony with the ideas of Governor Andrew. Mr. Ward's views of humanity were of the largest kind, both in busi- ness transactions, in politics, and in social life. His house was a gather- ing-place for the wise, the good, and the most brilliant men and women of the day. He was one of the founders and original trustees of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. 17. IX. 241. Anna Hazard Barker, the wife of Samuel G. Ward, born in New York City. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of Jacob and Elizabeth (Hazard) Barker, of New York. Elizabeth Hazzard Barker [2. IX. 13] is her niece. Her ancestry includes the following families : Barker, Williams, Prince, Collier, Folger, Gibbs, Morrill, Barnard, Barnard, Hervey, Folger, Gibbs, Morrill, Gardner, Frier, Shattuck, Church, Severance, Coffin, Thember, Stevens, Bunker, Godfrey, Look, Bunker, Godfrey, Hazard, Brownell, Borden, Earle, Robinson, Allen, Bacon, Potter, Hazard, Wilson, Rodman, Clark, Scott, Willett, Borden, Clayton, Wanton, Freeborn, Brownell. See ANCESTRY TABLES 106 17. IX. 243. Mary Gray Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Boston. Residences : Boston, Mass., and Bar Harbor, Maine. Mrs. Dorr is a woman of decided views, is fond of sketching, and devotes much time to society. Her tastes are cultivated, and she has travelled all over the world. NINTH GENERATION. 841 17. IX. 243. Charles Hazen Dorr, her husband, born in Boston, died in Boston. A retired merchant. Residences Boston, Mass., and Bar Harbor, Maine. Mr. Dorr in early life was actively engaged in business, but he retired about thirty years previous to his death. He passed the latter part of his life in foreign travel, and between his house in Boston and his estates in Lenox and Bar Harbor. The latter, "Old Farm," is one of the largest and finest on Mount Desert. Mr. Dorr was a man of cultivated tastes and of quiet and agreeable manners.1 He was a son of Samuel and Susan (Brown) Dorr, of Boston. His father was prominent in the Legislature of Massachusetts fifty years ago. His ancestry includes the following families : Dorr, Hawley, Harbottle, Rawson, Perne, Wilson, Mansfield, Hooker, Bucknam, Wilkinson, Knowers, Peabody, Fiske, Brown, Lazinby, Proctor, Adams, Winburn, Parker. See ANCESTRY TABLES 100. 17. IX. 245. George Cabot Ward [Thomas W. 17. VIII. 183], born in Salem, died in New York City. A banker. Residence: New York City. Mr. Ward, H. C. 1843, on graduating, went to Heidelberg. After going around the world in a sailing ship, he went to New York, where he founded the banking house of Ward, Campbell, & Co. In 1869, his brother, Samuel Gray Ward, moved to New York, when Mr. Ward retired from the firm of Ward, Campbell, & Co., and became joint agent with his brother, under the name of S. G. & G. C. Ward, as agents for Baring Brothers & Co., of London. This partnership con- tinued until Jan. 1, 1886. Mr. Ward was an intimate friend of Secre- tary Chase, who consulted him on many points during the war. He was for a long time a director of the Bank of Commerce, New York, and of other institutions. He was a charter member of the Union League Club, of New York, its treasurer many years, and its president one year. I The Boston Daily Advertiser of Jan. 30, 1893. 2 Boston Evening Transcript of May 5, 1887. 842 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. 17. IX. 2451. Mary Anne Southwick, the first wife of George C. Ward, born in Salem, died in New York City. Mrs. Ward was a daughter of John Alley and Elzabeth (Kinsman) Southwick, of Salem. Eliza K. Southwick [15. IX. 215] was her sister. For her ancestry, see under the head of Eliza K. Southwick [15. IX. 215], on page 834. See ANCESTRY TABLES 17. IX. 2452. Frances Morris, the second wife of George C. Ward. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of William Lewis and Mary Elizabeth (Babcock) Morris. Her ancestry includes the following families: Morris, Pole, Graham, Staats, Ludlow, Bennett, Hanmer, Corbett, Ludlam, Wickham, Babcock, Lawton, Lawton, Isaacs, Arden, Blanc. See ANCESTRY TABLES IOT2. 17. IX. 247. Stephen Goodhue Wheatland [Richard G. 17. VIII. 185], born in Newton, Mass., died in New York City. A lawyer. Resi- dence: Salem. Mr. Wheatland, H. C. 1844, studied law, was admitted to the Essex Bar in 1850, and practised his profession in Salem. He took an active interest in the affairs of the city, and served as a member of the Common Council in 1852, 1853, 1859, 1861, and 1862, the last two years being presi- dent of that body. He was mayor of the city in 1863 and 1864, and its representative in the Legislature in the years 1862 and 1863.¹ 17. IX. 247. Ann Maria Pingree, his wife, born in Salem. Resi- dence: Salem. Mrs. Wheatland is a daughter of the Hon. David and Anna Maria (KimbalI) Pingree. He was an eminent merchant and shipowner, of Salem. Her ancestry includes the following families : Pingree, Clement, Pickard, Crosby, Brocklebank, Platt, Kneeland, Perkins, Gould, Towne, Blessing, Symonds, Easty, Kimball, Scott, Cummings, Andrew, Towne, Perkins, Kimball. See ANCESTRY TABLES 108 17. IX. 249. Richard Henry Wheatland [Richard G. 17. VIII. 185], born in Newton, Mass., died in Salem. Residence: Salem. 1 The Boston Transcript of March 4, 1892. TENTH GENERATION. 1049 16. X. 293. William Henry Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238], born in Salem. An attorney-at-law. Residence : Colorado. 16. X. 293. Evaline Cressy, his wife, born in Salem. Mrs. Dalrymple married, as her second husband, Woodbury, of Beverly, Mass. Mrs. Woodbury is a daughter of Charles Cressy, of Salem. ANCESTRY TABLES . 16. X. 296. Kate Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238]. For an account of her, see page 838. 16. X. 296. Aaron Perkins, her husband. His number in direct descent is [15. IX. 235]. For an account of him, see page 838. 16. X. 298. Francis Tukey Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238], born in Salem. Assistant secretary of the Holyoke Mutual Insurance Company, of Salem. Residence: Salem. 16. X. 298. Sarah Metella Swasey, his wife, born in Fall River, Mass. Mrs. Dalrymple is a daughter of Antony H. De Wolf and Sarah Chase (Ripley) Swasey. He was a carpenter and builder, of Mobile, Ala. ANCES- TRY TABLES 63 17. X. 299. Anna Barker Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston, died in New York City. 17. X. 299. Joseph Thoron, her husband, born in Candia, Island of Crete. A commission merchant. Residence: New York City. Mr. Thoron, although actively engaged in business, is interested in, and devotes much time to, the charities of New York. He is the president of the French Benevolent Society, and is one of the founders of the French Catholic Club. Mr. Thoron is a son of Paul and Louise (Consinéry) Thoron. His father was French Consul at the Island of Crete, during the First Empire. The family belongs to the south of France. ANCESTRY TABLES 1050 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. 17. X. 300. Lydia Gray Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston. 17. X. 300. Richard von Hoffman, her husband, born in Leip- zig, Saxony. Residence: Villa Paulina, Obermais, Meran, Sud Tyrol, Austria. Freiherr Richard von Hoffman is a knight of the first class of his sov- ereign's order. He has owned, since July, 1870, the Villa Celimotana, known formerly as Villa Mattei, in Rome, Italy, renowned for its beautiful grounds, and its views of ancient Rome and the Alban Hills. Mr. and Mrs. Hoffman resided there from 1871 to 1879; but in 1880 they settled in Frei- burg, Germany, for the education of their sons. He is a son of Baron Louis Ferdinand and Paulina Elizabeth (Mayer) von Hoffman, of Leipzig and Dresden, Saxony. ANCESTRY TABLES 17. X. 301. Thomas Wren Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston. A banker. Residence: New York City. 17. X. 301. Sophia Read Howard, his wife. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of Charles Ridgely, and Elizabeth Anne (Waters) Howard, of Waverly, Howard County, Md. Her ancestry in- cludes the following families : Howard, Carroll, Eager, Murray, Chew, Ayres, Benson, Galloway, Oswald, Caruau, Ridgely, Dorsey, Ely, Dorsey, Ely, Warfield, Hill, Waters. See ANCESTRY TABLES XX 17. X. 302. Elizabeth Hazard Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Brooklyn, N. Y. 17. X. 302. Ernst von Schönberg (Roth Schönberg), her husband. Residence: Schloss Pallus, bei Brixen, Sud Tyrol, Austria. Baron von Schönberg is the second son of Baron von Schönberg. His mother, the baroness, was Emily Malortic, descended from an old Norman feudal family bearing the titles of Marquis de Villars and Baron de Bismont. The family of von Schönberg belongs to the older nobility of Austria. ANCESTRY TABLES TENTH GENERATION. 1051 17. X 304. George Bucknam Dorr [Mary G. 17. IX. 243], born in West Roxbury, Mass. Residences: Boston and Bar Harbor, Maine. Mr. Dorr graduated at Harvard College in 1874. 17. X. 305. Samuel Gray Ward [George C.17. IX. 245]. Resi- dence: New York City. Mr. Ward, H. C. 1876, returned to New York and entered the New York office of Kidder, Peabody, & Co. 17. X 305. Frances Lydia Botts, his wife. ANCESTRY TABLES 17. X. 306. Marian Ward [George C. 17. IX. 245]. 17. X. 306. Abbot Augustus Low, her husband. Residence: Brook- lyn, N. Y. Mr. Low is a son of Abiel Augustus and Ellen (Dow) Low. Henry Cutler Low [18. X 332] is his cousin. His ancestry includes the following families : Low, Bordman, Lamb, Choate, Varney, Proctor, Burnham, Has- kell, Tybbot, Giddings, Hubbard, White, Wise, Thompson, Gardner, Smith, Porter, Hathorne, Dorman, Allen, Hodges, Phippen, Wood, Williams, Skerry, Manning, Calley, Dow, Sanborn, Coffin, Phippen. See ANCESTRY TABLES to 17. X. 308. Richard Wheatland [Stephen G. 17. IX. 247]. For an account of him, see page 996. 17. X. 308. Mary Kemble Robinson, his wife. Her number in direct descent is [59. IX. 1198]. For an account of her, see page 996. 17. X. 311. Philip Dumaresq Wheatland [George 17. IX. 254], born in Salem. Residence: Salem. 17. X. 311. Alice Ellerton Pratt, his wife. Mrs. Wheatland is a daughter of Edward Ellerton and Miriam Foster (Choate) Pratt, of Boston. ANCESTRY TABLES INDEX OF NAMES. 1171 WARD, Augusta (French) [IX] 904 WARD, Lucy Augusta [VIII] 612, WARD, Samuel Gray [X] 1051 Benjamin [VIII] 600, 609, 904 908, 909 - Sarah [VIII] 611, 906, 907 Benjamin Augustus [IX] 904, - Lydia (Gray) [VIII] 429, 433, Sarah (Henfield) [VI] 222, 363, 1077 555,575 364, 365 Benjamin Colman 288 - Lydia Gray [X] 1050 Sarah (Patterson) 898 - Betsey (Bowman) [VII] 363 - Lydia Henfield [VII] 365, 615 Sarah (Trask) 604 Betsey F. (Attwill) [VIII] 600, - Marian [X] 1051 Sarah Heufield [VIII] 613, 909, 609, 610 - Martha (Grush) 612, 612 910 Caroline Elizabeth [IX] 905 - Martha (Proctor) 104, Sophia R. (Howard) [X] 1050 Catherine (Davis) 496 336, 337, 554 Stillman [VII] 496 Catherine (Moore) [VIII] 610 Martha Ann [IX] 839 Thomas Wren [VIII, 338, 389, Elizabeth [VIII 610 Martha Dowst [VIII] 614, 910 554-555, 555, 839, 840, 841 Elizabeth Cutler [VIII] 611, Martha Elizabeth [IX] 904, Thomas Wren [X] 337, 1050 907 1077 - William [VII] 104, 336, Elizabeth Hazard [X] 1050 Mary 851 339 Ellen Sophia [TX] 905 Mary (Attwill) [VIII] 600, 609, - William 337, 339 Emeline (Brown) [VIII] 611 610-611 William Henry [X] 1077 Emeline Brown [IX] 905, 1078 - Mary (Cutler) [VII]. 364 WARD family 895 Emily (Grush) [VIII] 619, 612 - Mary A. (Southwick) [IX] 834, - Campbell & Co. 841 - Esther Gilbert 835 842 WARDWELL, Clarissa Dilla- - Florence A. (Clay) [IX] 907 - Mary Adelaide [X] 1077 way 606 - Frances (Morris) [IX] 842 - Mary Ann [VIII] 611, 906 WARE, Anne Bent 1009 Frances L. (Botts) [X] 1051 Mary Ann [IX] . 905, 1078 Catherine Pond [VIII] 606 Gamaliel Everard [VIII] 604 Mary Attwill [VIII] 600,610- Charles Eliot [VIII] 504-505, George A. 198 n, 209 n., 238 n., 611 992 304 338 D. - Mary E. (Battles) [VII] 496, Clarissa D. (Wardwell) 606 George Cabot [IX] 839,841, 771 Elizabeth 505 842,1051 - Mary Elizabeth [IX 898-899 Elizabeth C. (Lee) [VIII] 504 George James [IX 907 - Mary Ellen [IX] 910, 1080 Erastus 606 Gustavus Attwill [IX] 904 Mary F. (Marseilles) Fannie 1005 Haunah (Derby) 220 [VIII] 771-772 Henry 505 Hannah (Higginson) 222 - Mary Gray [TX] 840-841, 1051 John 505, 938 Hannah R. (Clarrage) Mary H. (Williams) [VIII] 614, John F. W. 288 [VIII] 614 614 - Rebekah 624 Herman Eugene [VIII] 771 Mary Holyoke 895 WARNER, Amelia 330 Ida T. (Luscomb) [X] 1077 Melissa H. (Ward) [IX] 905 Anna Goodale [VIII] 622, 916 Isaac 496 Miles 61, 220, 339 Caleb [VII] 369-370 James Cutler [VIII] 600, 610, Nathaniel [VII] 363-364, 364, Caleb Henry 370 905 610, 611, 612 Caroline (Daland) [VIII] 623 James Franklin [IX] 905 Nathaniel [VIII] 612 Caroline E. [IX] 917 Jane (Adams) [VIII] 612 Nathaniel 220, 604 Delia 509 John [VII] 364, 612, 613, 614 Raymond Lee 49 Edward 370 John 222, 898 - Rebecca E. (Williams) Eloise 308 John D. A. [IX] 904, 1078 [VIII] 614, 614 Jonathan 308 John Henfield [VIII] 614, 910, - Richard Bowman [VIII] 610 Mary (Goodale) [VII] 369, 911 - Ruth (Putnam) 339 622, 623 Jonathan [VII] 364 - S.G. & G. C. 839, 841 Mary Pearson 370 Joshua 49 - Sally [vii] 364 Sallie (Cook) [VIII] 623 Joshua H. 791 - Samuel [vll] 365 Susan (Palmer) 370 Laura Augusta [X] 1077 Samuel [VIII] 612,907 Susan P. 370 Louisa (Hunt) [VIII] 604 - Samuel Gray [IX] 339, 555, William [VIII] 617, 623, 623, Lucy (How) [VII] 364 555 n., 839-840, 840, 841, 917 Lucy Ann 338 1049, 1050 William 370 Verizon Yahoo! Mail - eppster2@verizon.net Page 2 of 4 information directly. If you still can not view the information, and want the "death notices" hard copy that I had copied from the microfilm reel, from the newspaper "copy", mailed to you, please let me know. If so, then there is still no charge, only a self addressed stamped envelope is appreciated. Results Databases selected: ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2003) Results 13 documents found for: "samuel Gray Ward" Refine Search 1. THE MINISTERS KEPT BUSY; MANY COUPLES UNITED IN MARRIAGE AMID FLOWERS. SOME NOTABLE WEDDINGS YESTERDAY IN THIS CITY AND VICINITY AT WHICH THE BRIDES AND THE BRIDESMAIDS WORE EXQUISITE DRESSES. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Oct 29, 1891. p. 2 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 2.MARRIED BY CARDINAL GIBBONS.; Miss Ellen Warder Weds Mr. Ward Thoron in Washington. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Nov 16, 1893. p. 5 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 3. .Obituary 1 -- No Title New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Nov 16, 1900. p. 7 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Citation 4.WHAT IS DOING IN SOCIETY. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Nov 16, 1900. p. 7 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 5. Obituary 2 -- No Title New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Nov 17, 1900. p. 7 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Citation 6. FOR NEW YORK POST OFFICE.; Bill to Appropriate $2,000,000 Is Put In by Congressman Douglass for a Branch. CHARLES DE KAY.. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y. Nov 19, 1903. p. 6 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 7. Obituary 7 -- No Title New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Feb 21, 1929. p. 22 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Citation 8. JENNY LIND RELICS SHOWN; Historical Society Puts on View Mementos of Singer. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: May 17, 1936. p. 27 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Citation 9. THOMAS WARD DIES; HARVARD CLASS '66; Oldest Alumnus, 95, Former Banker Here, Friend of Justice Holmes and William James http://us.f842.mail.yahoo.com/ym/ShowLetter?MsgId=7744_0_118236_2376_1108888 12/11/2007 Verizon Yahoo! Mail - eppster2@verizon.net Page 3 of 4 EX-AIDE TO LOUIS AGASSIZ With Scientist's Expedition to Brazil in 1865--Father Was College Treasurer, 1830-42 Member of Noted Family Joined Kidder, Peabody & Co. New York Times (1857-Current. Jul 19, 1940. p. 24 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 10.SAINT-GAUDENS BIRTH HONORED BY EXHIBIT New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Mar 2, 1948. p. 25 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 11.Saint-Gaudens Out of Storage; About Saint-Gaudens JAMES R. MELLOW. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Jul 29, 1973. p. D17 (2 pages) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 12.A New Hall At Tanglewood; Lenox, Mass. LINDA S. APPLETON. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Jul 25, 1993. p. R13 (1 page) Page Image - PDF Page map Abstract 13.BOOKEND; The Ties That Bound in America Caleb Crain. New York Times (1857-Current file). New York, N.Y.: Dec 17, 2000. p. BR39 (1 page) Article image - PDF Page map Abstract 1-13 of 13 (I can get access to any and all of these above newspapers articles, if you are interested. Please let me know) PLEASE reply here at deemcc55@yahoo.com or at deemc56@verizon.net Thank you. Diane (Dee Dee) McClay vonhoffmann- vonhoffmann- vonhoffmann- 22Feb1929 21Feb1929 20Feb1929 The larger versions of these photos will be available until July 06, 2007 (90 days) Share your pictures with PhotoMail from Yahoo! Mail. Learn More Go to Yahoo! Photos Norton Attachments Attachment scanning provided by: AntiVirus Files: VonHoffmann_NYTIMES_1929.pdf(91k) Scan and Save to Computer http://us.f842.mail.yahoo.com/ym/ShowLetter?MsgId=7744_0_118236_2376_1108888 12/11/2007 Courtesy of concord: P.Z. C.F.P.L. F.B.Sanborn. TableTalk 1981. Transcendental Books. of 2 218 1907 seen in his travels. But where did Milton get the the same effect; indeed, he was one of the first consulted y of his Paradise Lost? or how could he describe by Lowell in the matter of the Atlantic, and I was present ttom of the monstrous world"? or Shakespeare pic- at some of these colloquies, as a listener, Lowell was hemia and the plains of Troy, and the landscape and strongly in favor of making political comment a marked ces in the "Tempest." Where had Coleridge seen feature, and proposed a special department for political asure-dome of Kubla Khan, or the vistas of the An- censure, with the device of a broom at its masthead, like lariner? Imagination is the poet's best hold; if he old Van Tromp's particularly intended to sweep old it, he can invent a better landscape than Nature can Buchanan from the seas. It was by adding strongly to nly furnish. Parke Godwin's essay on Buchanan's administration that Lowell sharply offended Godwin. The weakness of the Nov. ALFRED WHITMAN AND CON- Atlantic on the political side has usually been an unwilling- -HIS SERVICES TO KANSAS--A FRENCHWOMAN'S ness to take a positive tone and adhere to that. The chief RTATION ON THOREAU. business of a literary magazine, however, must be litera- ture; and in that the Atlantic has seldom been surpassed, ed Whitman, who died suddenly this week at Law- in its first 20 years. in Kansas, was the son of a Kansas pioneer and graduate, who was very serviceable to Kansas in (508 Nov. 21, 1907. SIGNIFICANCE OF SAMUEL iggle of years against negro slavery. Alfred him- GRAY WARD, A CONTEMPORARY OF VERY AND THOR- S at school in Concord, where he became intimate EAU--EMERSON'S LETTERS TO HIM--MONCURE D. e Alcotts, and took part with them in dramatic en- CONWAY, AND SANBORN AND ANTI-SLAVERY-- ments. He was one of two lads from whom Louisa COMMONWEALTH. made up her composite "Laurie." During the civil served with his father, a major, in Kentucky, but One of the earliest surviving graduates of Harvard, ice lived in Kansas and been one of the active friends Samuel Gray Ward, died at his house in Washington on state university, to which 10 years ago the sculptor Sunday, and was buried at Mount Auburn yesterday. He presented his bust of Miss Alcott. Alfred's broth- was in the class of 1836, and among his classmates were B. Whitman, is a prominent lawyer of Boston A Jones Very and Col. Henry Lee. He was of the same age Frenchwoman, a traveling scholar of the Sorbonne, as Thoreau, who, if living, would now be 90, and like him oston pursuing her inquiries in American literature was an early intimate of Emerson and the Concord group with a view to her doctor's thesis next year on of authors. His artistic and poetic temperament inclined iu, of whom she is an admirer. It is only of late him to a literary life, and he was one of the "Dial" con- :hat such scholarships have been granted to women. tributors, as they were. His father, a banker, insisted on his following that occupation, and he did so, for more ) Nov. 12, 1907. GENESIS AND BACKGROUND OF than half a century. He paid the expenses of Channing's TLANTIC. first volume of poems in 1843, and occasionally wrote verse himself. He belonged in the circle at Cambridge gs were rather better in 1857, when the Atlantic be- of which Mrs. Prof. Farrar was the hostess (afterward a nd payment was made for whatever came out in its resident of Springfield), and where Margaret Fuller, her -column pages. The name seems to have been sup- friend Miss Anna Barker, daughter of the New Orleans y Dr. Holmes; but the plan of a magazine or review merchant, Jacob Barker, and other brilliant young ladies fice in Boston, but contributors on both sides of the were at home; and some time after leaving college he was as old as 1837, and was definitely discussed in married Miss Barker. It was to his friend Ward that the 1, when Alcott was there in July, 1842, as mentioned "Letters to a Friend" of Emerson, edited by Prof. Norton, fragment of his diary in England which alone sur- were written, from 1838 to 1853, but Mr. Norton is cer- -the rest having been lost in a box of papers at A1- tainly wrong in saying Mr. Ward "was a younger man than as Mr. Norton's English papers were lost in the Emerson by nine years." That would put back his birth- vay in 1857. But Alcott wrote, July 21, thus:- day to 1812, and make him 25 at his graduation, --whereas he graduated under 20, as was much the fashion in those ening, at Heraud's Barham, Westland Marston, days, Emerson himself having graduated at 18, and and others were there We discussed printing a George Bancroft at 17. Mr. Ward early traveled and re- urnal, to be supported by contributions from the old sided in Europe, and collected engravings (particularly and the new, and issned quarterly. A good deal was of the work of Michael Angelo, Guercino and Piranesi), Heraud and Barham deem Carlyle's interest essen- among which was the beautiful copy of an ancient Endymion its success with the public. I put the work on its which has long hung in Emerson's house. It was Ward's erits, quite independent of names; and Wright agrees portfolios which Emerson examined in 1839, and which e I gave them the theory of my new journal; figure in the "Ode to Beauty." Some months before its bes it must meet, the audience it must create, the publication in the "Dial" for 1840, Emerson sent to Ward outors it must secure. I proposed that it should an- Thoreau's poem "Sympathy," which his friend styled an o something like this: 'The Janus; an Ephemeris of "Elegy," rmanent in Religion, Philosophy, Science, Art and s.' My idea was obviously too broad and daring for For elegy has other subject none. And to Ward in February, 1843, Emerson confided his nk Emerson wrote from England in 1847 something to opinion of Wendell Phillips, when at the Concord lyceum, 2 of 2. 1907 219 1907 invited by Henry Thoreau and his young friends, Phillips with its cable cut, which finally carried them to the bottom. had overcome the veteran lawyers of that town in debate on It cost Conway few or none of his real friends in America, but it fixed his purpose to remain in England, and the next negro slavery. Said Emerson:- year his wife and children went to join him there; his Con- "The core of the comet did not seem to be much, but the cord house was sold, and I stored such of his furniture as whole air was full of splendors. One orator makes many; Mrs. Conway could not take with her or have sent after her. but I think him the best generator of eloquence I have met His career in England and in Europe generally, was a suc- for many a day, and of something better and grander than cessful one, and his life, on the whole, a brilliant success, in spite of his changes of place and opinion; and I must es- his own." teem his quiet and sudden death, though away from his children, a happy exit from a world in which he felt him- For years Mr. Ward had a home in Boston and a summer residence in Lenox, afterward attached to the large Shadow self lonely. brook estate of Mr. Stokes; but of late years his home has been in Washington. Last summer he spent at his grand- (509) Nov. 28, 1907. THOUGHTS ON JAMES H. HOLMES, ONE OF JOHN BROWN'S MEN--THE LIFE OF daughter's in Jamaica Plain.- Moncure Conway' /residence in Washington before the MAJOR GEORGE LUTHER STEARNS. STOP civil war was short and troubled. Dr. Earle heard him preach there in February, 1856, and he came and dined The death of James H. Holmes, a young lieutenant of with Dr. Nichols and Dr. Earle March 23 of that year. In John Brown in Kansas, was attended by painful circumstances. He was about the age of Moncure Conway, and in his sphere, his diary the doctor wrote:-- for a time, did good antislavery work, as Conway did He "Mr. Conway is as interesting in conversation/a in the was the son of a New York broker, well educated, and went pulpit; a man of superior intellect and of oral/qualities of early to Kansas to act on the free-state side; brave and en- a very high order; yet his religion is that of the extreme thusiastic, he joined the small band of Brown in 1856, and Unitarians. He does not believe in the miracles. Among again in 1858, and had many adventures under that leader- his reasons is that not one of the books of the New Testa- ship. I had often urged him to write out his record of Kan- ment was written until 50 years or more after the birth of sas life, and he had promised to do so, but, SQ far as I Christ, and long after his death, --time enough, he thinks, know, never completed it. He wrote fairly well, and was for a story to grow considerably, if stories grew then as for years a journalist, --editing at one time a Vermont rapidly as now. This heterodoxy does not divide his church newspaper, and corresponding from Washington for distant so much as his anti-slavery sermons, which please Horace newspapers. But he was one of those persons, by no means Greeley and John P. Hale of New Hampshire, --both of whom few, who need the direction of a leader to keep them up to I have seen there. But nine families have withdrawn be- the mark. Under Lincoln's presidency he became an office- holder (secretary of the territory of New Mexico), and cause of one anti-slavery sermon.) then appeared at Washington in some department office. In the November following Conway was settled in Cincinnati, The moral and political tone of Washington is far from ele- where he remained, preaching, editing and lecturing, till vating, is one of the most servile and corrupt of modern he had SO effectively divided his parish that when he re- capitals, --and Holmes fell under influences from which his signed, in the summer of 1862, and came to Boston to edit old captain would have guarded him. I fear in later years the emancipation weekly, the Commonwealth, there was the instincts and tendencies of the broker got the better of little opposition to his leaving, though he left many good the unselfish sentiments under which he enlisted in the na- friends there. He settled in Concord early in the autumn tional crusade against slavery. But, as I have noticed in of 1862, where he had already spent many weeks, nine other men who failed to live up to their youthful ideal, years before, and he became a neighbor of my own. I was Holmes always retained that fraternal feeling which bound associated with him in editing the newspaper, and took the antislavery men together, when they were a small but charge of it in March 1863, when Conway went to England never discouraged minority. For some years I had lost for a short missionary tour, as he supposed, and became sight of him, and was thus unable to make some provision for his declining and lonely years. It seems that in his re- my London correspondent. He communicated to me, too late to write him what a blunder it would be (for there was treat at Red Bank, N.J., he suffered great privations from no ocean cable then) his purpose of proposing emancipation poverty, and when his last illness came upon him, he was to Mason, as if authorized by the American abolitionists alone and unable to summon aid for a day or two. When I showed the letter to Phillips and Garrison, and we all found, he was taken to the house of a friend where he died agreed that a brief intimation of his scheme should be given on the 21st. His friend, John Redpath, a kinsman of Brown's in my newspaper and an effort be made to cover the retreat first biographer, James Redpath, went down from New York that SO indiscreet a diplomatist would have to make when and nursed him until death. Holmes desired to be buried the letters were made public. Conway's intentions were of beside his captain at North Elba, where also the slain com- the best, but he was seldom discreet when left to himself; rades of Brown at Harpers Ferry had their bones laid at his excellent wife, then 3000 miles away from him, often rest under McKinley's administration, escorted to their moderated his enthusiasm into something at least resem- funeral ceremonies, near Brown's grave, by a detachment bling discretion. Upon the whole, I think his blunder did of United States soldiers sent on from Plattsburg by Elihu more good than harm, for it unmasked to Europe the big- Root, then secretary of war. At the burial Bishop Potter oted folly of the disunionists, in clinging to slavery as the and Whitelaw Reid were present, among many others, and life buoy of their new oligarchy; while it was the anchor the graves are fenced in around the great bowlder upon the 308 Ward, Samuel Gray Ward, Samuel Gray spite their distance from Boston, Samuel Ward (1817-1907) maintained correspondences with his Transcen- dentalist friends throughout his life. Samuel Gray Ward was friends with several Tran- scendentalists, from his Harvard schoolmates Bibliography William Ellery CHANNING II, to Jones VERY, to Mar- Myerson, Joel. The New England Transcendentalists and garet FULLER, with whom he shared a close intellec- the Dial: A History of the Magazine and Its Contribu- tual and emotional relationship. It was through Fuller tors. London and Toronto: Associated University that he first met Ralph Waldo EMERSON and was Presses, 1980. brought into the growing circle of Transcendental- Tilton, Eleanor M. "The True Romance of Anna Hazard ists in the late 1830s. Ward eventually contributed Barker and Samuel Gray Ward," Studies in the several pieces to the DIAL magazine, including four American Renaissance (1987): 53-72. of his poems chosen by editor Fuller to appear in the first issue of July 1840. In later issues he published essays on themes such as "Notes on Art and Archi- Ware, Henry, Jr. tecture" and "Translation of Dante." (1794-1843) Samuel Ward married Anna Hazard Barker (WARD) in October 1840. Their engagement was a Ralph Waldo EMERSON took Henry Ware's place as shock and personal disappointment to their mutual minister of Boston's Second Church and, even after friend, Margaret Fuller, who felt not only that her he left the Unitarian church, the influence of Ware long friendship with Anna would be interrupted by had an impact on Emerson's rhetorical style and in- the marriage, but who herself had become attached tellectual development as a Transcendentalist. to Samuel. The fact that he had chosen Anna, a Emerson initially assisted Ware, but took over close mutual friend, over her made the news of his when Ware accepted a position as professor at marriage even worse to take, Fuller saw Samuel HARVARD DIVINITY SCHOOL in 1830. Ware was one Ward's marriage not only as a personal crisis but as of the most important Unitarian ministers of the a crisis of VOCATION for a scholarly mind. In order early 19th century and had a direct influence on to prove his ability to support her and thus marry the Transcendentalists in establishing the liberal Anna, Samuel Ward had chosen to pursue business model that would be taught at the Divinity School rather than literature and this choice at such a during that time, with its emphasis on self-culture young age was seen by some of his friends as stunt- and the spiritual development of the individual. ing his intellectual growth. As Margaret Fuller put The appointment of Ware's father, Henry Ware, Sr., it in a letter to Ward, "I had longed to see you a to a professorship at Harvard's Divinity School in painter when I learned you were to become a 1805 was one of the defining moments of the Uni- merchant, to sit at the dead wood of the desk, and tarian controversy that led to the organization of calculate figures, I was betrayed into unbelief." the new liberal denomination promoted by Ware, Besides his Dial contributions, Samuel Ward Jr., during his ministry. Ware, Jr., was one of the did not pursue a literary career but instead, as the most articulate defenders of UNITARIANISM and wealthiest member of the Transcendentalist com- had as his forum the CHRISTIAN EXAMINER, a peri- munity due to the inheritance of his father's siz- odical for which he served as editor at one time. able estate as well as his own business dealings, Although he influenced Emerson and a generation lived the life of a gentleman. Emerson did choose of young Unitarian men at Harvard, Ware did not three of Ward's poems for his 1874 collection of fa- espouse the Transcendentalist philosophy and the- vorites, PARNASSUS. The Wards eventually moved ological critique that emerged from that liberal reli- to New York where Samuel used his influence and gious atmosphere. His 1838 The Personality of the money as a patron of the arts, most notably as a Deity was a response to and critique of Emerson's founder of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. De- controversial DIVINITY SCHOOL ADDRESS of that TLL Frederich Danlstrand. Ank of Ncote 1982, PURITAN ARISTOCRAT IN THE AGE OF EMERSON: A STUDY OF PURITAN ARISTOCRAT IN THE SAMUEL GRAY WARD. AGE OF EMERSON: A STUDY OF SAMUEL GRAY WARD. (Order No. 61-3483) David Baldwin, Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania, 1961 Supervisor: Robert E. Spiller Samuel Gray Ward, 1817-1907, was in the eighth gener- ation of an upper class Puritan family that came from Salem, Massachusetts, and moved to Boston as the nine- teenth century opened. All Ward men down to and including Ward's generation were merchants or bankers. One reason for studying Ward closely is that in many ways he was typical of this regional group. The other is that he was caught up in the cultural ferment of New Eng- land during the 1830s and 40s. He became a very close friend of Emerson. Their relationship illuminates certain David Baldwin, Ph.D. sides of Emerson's nature and of the Transcendental group University of Pennsylvania, 1961 generally. Also, Ward made a few intellectual contribu- tions to his age in the form of articles on architecture, painting, and sculpture. The problem was to blend a portrait of Ward as a type and as an individual of limited but definite importance. After experimentation, it was found that the organizing principle should be conventional chronology. The first portrait was possible to construct because of the richness of Ward documents going back three genera- tions. The results support many of the widely held assump- tions about the character of upper class Massachusetts Bay Puritans: a high respect for honesty, moral and spir - itual earnestness, intellectual strength, self-awareness, a talent for leadership but dislike of publicity, aggressive self-reliance and opportunism, strong and often burden- some family loyalty, social clannishness together with a sense of stewardship for worthy outsiders. The Ward ma- terials also demonstrate that many of these traits changed or were weakened only slowly, if at all, between the eight- Reprinted from Dissertation Abstracts eenth and the twentieth century. Volume XXII, No. 5, 1961 The second portrait shows Ward to have been a success- ful businessman, inheriting a banking position in Boston from his father as American agent for Baring Brothers of London. At his insistence the agency was moved to New York during the 1860s. When a young man he had travelled to the West and South; his observations in letters home constitute an addition to American travel literature. He attended Boston Latin, the experimental Round Hill School in the Berkshires, and Harvard, class of 1836. A year abroad thereafter stimulated an art interest already aroused. He met Emerson through Margaret Fuller, who apparently was in love with him for a time. He married Anna Barker, beautiful daughter of a wealthy Quaker mer- chant, a woman whose charms captivated Emerson. Ward's brief writings on art in the 1840s show genuine sophistication and are still relevant. His ideas on Ameri- can architecture were surprisingly similar to Horatio Greenough's and arrived at independently, so far as can be learned. Spurred on by Emerson, he ably translated some important essays on art by Goethe, whose art views influ- enced his own. He helped several New England intellectuals financially, with Emerson organized the Saturday Club, was one of the founders of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and aided E. L. Godkin and The Nation. He was a typical New Eng- land patriot during the Civil War. As social leaders, he and his wife entertained much, and knew a wide variety of the prominent men and women of the day. Ward's life lacked special drama or major personal conflict. He inherited the religious impulse but not the re- ligious substance of his forbears, and consciously trans- formed the already fragmented Puritan creed of his fa - ther into a nineteenth century one. He expressed it as a "hunger and thirst after relations" - - between man and man rather than between man and a traditionally conceived Christian God. But he rejected positivism, and saw art as a catalyst that could unite spiritually those of superior qualities, in fact, and, in theory, all men. Microfilm $4.25; Xerox $15.10. 332 pages. A microfilm or Xerox copy of the complete manuscript is available from the publisher, University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan, at the prices quoted at the end of the abstract. PURITAN ARISTOCRAT IN THE AGE OF EMERSON A STUDY OF SAMUEL GRAY WARD B. David Baldwin (2/8/1922-12/20/2020) - dwin A DISSERTATION in AMERICAN CIVILIZATION Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of the University of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment Philosophy. of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of 1961 Purchased E. Guill Supervisor of Dissertation another Chairman Goom of Department XV INTRODUCTION If a minor historical figure is worth attention, it is because he was a part of something important. Samuel Gray Ward was in the eighth generation of a Puritan family belonging to the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Wards had always been merchants, never ministers or writers; the ample documents they have left behind make it possible to examine closely this less often considered branch of Puritanism. Ward's choice of a career WES much influenced by what his father and grandfather had done. So too were his choice of a wife, his behavior towards his contemporaries -- in fact, the whole matter of where he lived and what he lived for. The first two chapters of this study are meant as a portrait of a family, in which are foreshadowed many of the outlines of Ward himself. A minor figure may further be valuable because he lived during a special period and had associations that help to clarify it. This is also true of Ward. He lived through the great generation of literary New Englanders. While true to his solidly mercantile heritage, he managed to make con- tributions to the renaissance. Not so much in the usual ways: he joined no new ventures for the betterment of man- kind, and failed to become either a poet or a lecturer. XV xvi write some significant articles on art, and translated essays by Goethe on the same subject. Asidels from business career usefulcincits own right, neverthe- sort of man Ward was mattered more than, what accomplished That was the way Emerson felt, at least. To Emerson he became a close friend. Fortunately the dis- tance between Concord and Boston was then great enough so that the two men depended more on letters than visits. A significant correspondence developed, the Emerson side of which has survived. Ward for his part always revered Emerson, no more for his particular genius than for the nineteenth century attitude he represented. Born in Boston in 1817, he was heir of the late Federalist era; by birth a conservative, there remained in him a classical strain. But he was also moulded by the intellectual circle whose central figure Henry Adams called naive. Though he lived on and on, not dying until 1907, and outwardly keeping up with the times, Ward remained in spirit a child of the age of Emerson. He had known Margaret Fuller, William Ellery Channing the post, and less intimately a host of others, and gave help to the group in practical ways. In the late years, during which business and most held his attention, Ward shared that favor habit of retrospection and assessment in an letters with Charles Eliot Norton. He wrot xvii grandchildren what was ostensibly a record of his life, just as his grandfather had done, but what was really also part of an assessment. Altogether, he left behind ample FOUNDERS material with which to gain hints about his journey, and the journey of others like him, from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. average case gros- and section in that marged sighteearth Sherry, the Cup the Ceatts, the faulties, 10 mineteenth China, the baston there recommend wer- chante singled middler ACROP already there or newly from artizing tome. Vallo Ways Prafit has receiped less well known in Boston sentisted, there is little reason to doubt the grandfather that family 1 List of exomination Biller and Graton families is Included in Sentual Grey wandle Sleng Letter to the Gennachildren. min section of Ward Pantly Pagess, colleosed and by Gray hard (privately printed 173-174. BereAfter this volume will be edited W.F.P. XFINITY Connect Page 1 of 2 XFINITY Connect eppster2@comcast.net + Font Size Re: Archival Inquiry @ Dr. David Baldwin From : Paul Coleman Mon, Apr 09, 2012 04:05 PM Subject : Re: Archival Inquiry @ Dr. David Baldwin To : Ronald & Elizabeth Epp Dear Dr. Epp, I apologize for our delay in responding to your inquiry. I will ask Rebecca about it this afternoon. As it happens, however, I might be able to lend some direct assistance. I had correspondence with Dr. Baldwin about one year ago, about some books he had donated to the library. He has moved to a retirement community in York, Maine, and I feel certain he would want me to let you know his address. Here it is: Dr. David Baldwin Sentry Hill 2 Victoria Ct., # 204 York, ME 03909 I trust this information will be of some help. Please let me know if there's anything else I might do. Best regards, Paul Paul Coleman College Librarian Stevens-German Library Hartwick College Oneonta, NY 13820 l 607.431.4449 / colemanf@hartwick.edu Sent from my iPad On Apr 9, 2012, at 11:40, "Ronald & Elizabeth Epp" wrote: Rose Dear Mr. Coleman: Nearly three weeks ago I sent the following inquiry to your archivist. To date I have received no response. As a professional courtesy, would you determine whether my inquiry was received and if so, what is its status. Thank you. Ronald H. Epp, Ph.D. Shapiro Library Director (Ret.) Southern New Hampshire University 532 Sassafras Dr. Lebanon, PA 17042 717-272-0801 eppster2@comcast.net From: "Ronald & Elizabeth Epp" To: ambroser@hartwick.edu Sent: Wednesday, March 21, 2012 12:14:42 PM Subject: Inquiry @ Dr. David Baldwin Dear Rebekah: http://sz0122.wc.mail.comcast.net/zimbra/h/printmessage?id=44029&tz=America/New_Yor... 4/9/2012 XFINITY Connect Page 2 of 2 I am a retired academic library director (University of Hartford, Southern New Hampshire University) engaged in research that is directly related to the publication record of a Hartwick College faculty member, Dr. David Baldwin. I know not whether he has retired (Ph.D. University of Pennsylvania, 1961) or relocated but I would like to contact him about our shared scholarship. According to my documentation he completed a highly regarded article on "The Emerson-Ward Friendship, Ideals and Realities," which appeared in the 1984 annual, Studies in the American Renaissance, pp. 299-324, an outgrowth of his dissertation on Puritan Aristocrat in the Age of Emerson: A Study of Samuel Gray Ward. The aforementioned Samuel Gray Ward is the uncle of George Bucknam Dorr (1853-1944), the founder of Acadia National Park about which I have just completed his biography. I'm now trying to located Dr. Baldwin to touch base with him about a few minor points of shared interest. Any assistance you could provide would be greatly appreciated. I appreciate this professional courtesy. I have the impression that we were introduced at a ACRL-ENY meeting in days gone by. Most Cordially, Ronald H. Epp, Ph.D. 532 Sassafras Dr. Lebanon, PA 17042 717-272-0801 eppster2@comcast.net http://sz0122.wc.mail.comcast.net/zimbra/h/printmessage?id=44029&tz=America/New_Yor... 4/9/2012 10 April 2012 Dear Professor Baldwin: A colleague of yours, Fred Coleman at Harwick College, provided me with contact information. Little did I know that you had retired to York, a community that my wife and I visited SO frequently while Merrimack New Hampshire residents (2001- 2011). I write first in order to express my profound appreciation for the research that you completed and defended in your dissertation. I would be very interested in knowing how this topic was selected and how the research was pursued, especially given the paucity of secondary resources. For more than a decade I have been researching the life and times of George Bucknam Dorr (1853-1944), a nephew of Samuel Gray Ward by way of Ward's sister Mary (1820-1901). You'll recall that you cited in your bibliography the estate of GBD for the donation of the Papers of Thomas Wren Ward to the Massachusetts Historical Society. Forty years after the completion of your dissertation, I became intrigued by the historical process that led to the establishment and development of Acadia National Park. I was nearing the end of my careers as a philosophy professor, managing editor of a scholarly journal, and academic library director and became obsessed with righting the sorely neglected role of Mr. Dorr as a philanthropist and conservation pioneer. Moreover, the existing literature focused exclusively on Dorr's role in Maine, ignoring his family ties to Massachusetts. Dorr not only founded Acadia on the eve of the establishment of the National Park Service (1916) but served as its first superintendent for a quarter century until his death in 1944. Since retirement in 2006, I completed "The Making of Acadia National Park" and am currently in pursuit of a publisher. Within the past few months, I find my interest in the Ward family re-energized. Besides the manuscript collections you consulted, it was my good fortune to locate the fifteen hundred Ward-Perkins family letters spanning three generations (1820- 1930) that were donated to the University of California, Santa Barbara beginning in 1984 (described in great detail in an article in Soundings by the late David Finch). The Houghton Library and Harvard Archives yielded exceptional manuscript collections, especially documents detailing Dorr's service to the philosophy department and his deep relationships with President Charles W. Eliot, William James, and Josiah Royce. I think I have successfully shown in how the Brahmin legacies of Thomas Wren Ward and his son Samuel Gray Ward were continued and extended by Dorr to the preservation of landscapes of exceptional value. Your treatment of the Berkshire County properties (in "The Emerson-Ward Friendship: Ideals and Realities" prompted me to visit the sites of his homes and adjacent Highlawn, the Dorr family property, under the careful direction of local historian Cornelia Brooke Gilder. Her Hawthorne's Lenox: the Tanglewood Circle (History Press, 2008) contains a well researched chapter on "The Wards and the Bullards at Highwood," which may be familiar to you. I suspect that by this time you may be curious about the purpose of this letter. Quite simply, it is the fulfillment of a long neglected intent to track down one of my few contemporaries who have been inspired by the Thomas Wren Ward family of Boston, to indicate my continuing interest in your scholarship, and to offer what I have accumulated should you be SO inclined. Since we moved in August of 2011 to the Cornwall Manor retirement community just east of Hershey, we no longer travel as frequently to Mount Desert Island and the Gulf of Maine but I would welcome the opportunity to meet you should we travel to Maine later this summer. I've enclosed a copy of the first chapter of my manuscript since it covers common ground. I look forward to hearing from you and if you have access to the Internet, ongoing contact should be simplified. Most cordially, Ronald H. Epp, Ph.D. 532 Sassafras Drive Lebanon, PA 17042 717-272-0801 Eppster2@comcast.net XFINITY Connect Page 1 of 1 XFINITY Connect eppster2@comcast.ne + Font Size = Inquiry about Professor Baldwin From : Rebekah Ambrose Mon, Apr 09, 2012 07:07 PM Subject : Inquiry about Professor Baldwin To : eppster2@comcast.net Cc : F. Paul Coleman Dear Dr. Epp, Please accept my apologies, I had written back to you, but I see now that I had your email address incorrectly. I understand that Paul Coleman sent you an address for Dr. Baldwin - I hope you have been able to reach him. I had also found the following references for you: Here are some articles that were published before the one you mentioned - Baldwin, David. "Whitman's Use of the Apostrophe" Walt Whitman Review Spring 1982 "Humor in "Buck Fairshaw's Funeral"" Mark Twain JournalSummer 1981 ""Distinguished" a poem" Emerson Society Quarterly Spring 1971 He also wrote biographies of Lucy Larcom and Kate Field that were published in Notable American Women 1607-1950 Harvard University Press, 1971. Also: Comments on Freshman English College English Association Critic Winter 1962. Importance of a College Library Dean Junior College Alumni Bulletin Winter 1961 I hope this information will be helpful for you. Please don't hesitate to contact me if you have any questions. My family and I will be spending a week near Acadia late this summer. We have all been very much in love with the park for some time now - I am eager to go back. We are certainly very grateful to George Bucknam Dorr! Best wishes, Rebekah Ambrose-Dalton http://sz0122.wc.mail.comcast.net/zimbra/h/printmessage?id=44034&tz=America/New_Yor..4/9/2012 David B. Baldwin SeacoastOnline.com Page 1 of 1 David B. Baldwin December 23, 2012 2:00 AM YORK, Maine - David B. Baldwin, 90, most recently of York Harbor, Maine, and formerly of Oneonta, N.Y., passed away on Thursday, Dec. 20, 2012 at York Hospital in York. Born in Cambridge, Mass., Feb. 9, 1922, he was educated at various schools and graduated cum laude from Harvard College in 1944. He received an M.A. from Columbia University in English and a Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania in American Civilization in 1961. He taught at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Northeastern University, Rutgers University and Dean Junior College (as chairman of the English Department) before coming to Hartwick College in 1964, where he remained until his retirement in 1993. He was also an editor for Arthur D. Little, management consultants. His interest in learning and teaching always centered around American literature. Among his favorite authors was Walt Whitman, and he especially loved poetry. He was a member of the American Studies Association and the College English Association. His publications included contributions to a major reference work on Whitman. He served on various committees at Hartwick and in the community, including the Catskill Choral Society, in which he sang bass, the Catskill Symphony Orchestra, the Center for Continuing Adult Learning and the city of Oneonta's Board of Assessment review. Dave married Ruth Corey, artist and former WAVE, in 1947. She died in 1993. They had four children, one of whom, David Henry, died in 2002. Dave's life was joyful. A Christian bent moved him to join the Catholic Church in 1990. He, his family and his associates had to deal with his longtime bipolar condition diagnosed in his twenties. After recovering from this initial episode while at Harvard, he worked at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute as an underwater photographer, part of wartime sonar research. After his retirement, he took up oil painting under the guidance of a professional, Paul Marsellino. The last three years were spent nearer his family at Sentry Hill in York Harbor, Maine, where he especially enjoyed giving a series of poetry readings. He is survived by one son, Ben and his wife, Liz Doucette, two daughters, Anita and Liza, two brothers, one sister and six grandsons. SERVICES: A funeral mass will be offered on Friday, Dec. 28, 2012, at 10:15 a.m. in St. Mary's Church, Oneonta, N.Y., with the Rev. David Mickiewcz officiating. Burial will be in Glenwood Cemetery, Oneonta, following the Mass. Condolences to the family may be made online by visiting www.grummonsfuneralhome.com. Arrangements are by the Lester R. Grummons Funeral Home, Oneonta, N.Y. http://www.seacoastonline.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?aid=/20121223/PUBLICRECORDSO. 1/10/2014 Thunks Dan An Antebellum Bostonian's Journey to New Orleans David Baldwin February, 1985 When Samuel Gray Ward returned from his elegant tour of Europe in 1836, follow- ing his graduation from Harvard, he found himself with nothing much to do. ordinar- ily someone in his favored position would have been taken into the family firm, but his father, Thomas Wren Ward, American representative of the London-based Baring Brothers financial concern, was not in a position to do so. As it turned out some years later, the son did succeed the father as Baring representative, and distin- guished himself in that role. Meanwhile, he was unemployed. It was a slack time in business. The panic of 1837 had already hit financial circles when the young Ward was ready to be useful. But soon the father hit upon an agreeable pastime for his son by arranging for him to travel down to New Orleans where business connections were located. There Samuel could investigate at first hand why the cotton market was SO badly depressed, and incidentally pick up valuable training in how such financial operations were con- ducted, under the guidance of friendly tutors. Young Ward responded eagerly. His letters back home to Park Street, Boston, reveal an observant eye and a generous spirit. They also are not without historical interest as travel literature. Ward's itinerary was similar to de Tocqueville's and Beaumont's seven years earlier, and paralleled some of the travels of other foreign visitors during the 1830's. Ward's journey was taken in the transitional period when the Appalachian bar- rier had been breached for same years but before the middle continent had taken on settled characteristics, and before fully extended railroads had brought their con- veniences. Unlike de Tocqueville Ward was not ostensibly going to the West and South to study the country, but he was in no great hurry to report to his father's connections in New Orleans, (which he could have reached sooner by boat), taking care to absorb impressions along the way. Like de Tocqueville and Beaumont, he took the route beginning in Philadelphia, and like them, he began in the late fall. -16- of noble trees, and everywhere the richest land makes up the en- tire surface of the state SO far as I yet have seen it. The coun- try is very thinly settled, and in the large prairies you are in perfect solitude; when you ride up a little knoll you may see twenty miles about and no sign of man except perhaps a large herd of cattle. The people settle near the timber, without which they can do nothing. Some of the praries are low and wet, but not swampy; these are apt to languish; others are very high and rol- ling, and are very healthy; the air sweeps across them as free and bracing as across the ocean, and I am often reminded of the air of Nahant. The scenery, though by no means various like our own, is ever sublime from its vastness and simplicity. I can truly say that leaving aside grand or picturesque scenery I have never seen anything like SO noble a country for man's habitation." These generous, expansive views suggest that such New Englanders as Ward were not altogether provincial. But it was as unlikely that he would live west of the Appalachians as it was that he could live in New Orleans. New York and Washington he was to make his residences in later life - his Boston roots did not prevent such southern extensions. But the farthest west he could ever again think of settling in, where he built a large estate in later years, was Berkshire Country, Massachusetts. (Ward's letters home are located in the Thomas Wren Ward Collection, The Massa- chusetts Historical Society, Boston. Other materials connected to Ward's life, 1817- 1907, are in the Harvard College Library.) 5/1/08 1726.2 Ballplaying and Boston Common A Town Playground for Boys and Men Brian Turner Sam. Hirst got up betime in the morning, and took Ben Swett with him and went into the [Boston] Common to play at Wicket. S ince 1634, Boston Common has been celebrated as "the outdoor stage on which many characteristic dramas of local life have been enacted. One such drama - cited in Protoball 1856.20 and 1858.35 - was the duel between the Massachusetts version of baseball and that of New York. In 1856 the Olympic Club of Boston conducted "trial" matches of the Massachusetts game on the Common3; in 1858, the Common hosted the first New England match by New York rules. Those games, unambiguously baseball, were the culmination of two centuries of Boston ball-play Protoball 1700c.2 refers to much earlier games played on the Common. Two histories present identical assertions, but neither gives a source: Mary Farwell Ayer (1903) and Samuel Barber (1916) write that in the late 1600s and early 1700s the "favorite games" were "wicket and flinging the bullet [bullit, in Barber's version, probably the original spelling]. "5 (The latter involved throwing cannonballs. We know less about 17th century wicket.) Protoball 1700c.2 to Protoball 1858.35, therefore, encompass Boston ballplaying from "wicket" to the New York game. Evidence that wicket was played in Boston before 1700 comes from Cotton Mather's autobiographical manuscript Paterna. Born in 1663, Mather recalled that he began preaching "at an Age wherein I See Many Lads playing at their marbles or Wickets in the street."6 Mather's remembrance places "Wickets" as early as the mid-1670s. The name wicket could refer to the stumps in cricket, or arise from a meaning well known at the time, i.e., a small opening in a fortified gate, large enough to duck through. The term was often used as a metaphor to convey the narrowness of the opening through which one might enter heaven's gate. We don't see Wickets (or Wicket) again until fifty years later. In his 1726 diary, in an entry that qualifies as primary evidence, Samuel Sewall expressed displeasure when his grandson, then 20, skipped morning prayers "to play at Wicket on the Common."7 H L. Mencken defined Puritanism as the "haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy." Historians have painted a more nuanced portrait of colonial attitudes toward pleasure and recreation, which, in moderation, had their place. If ball-play broke the Sabbath, however, a Reverend or a Magistrate brought out his diary to take note8; such disapproving voices have dominated the historical record. One need not be a Puritan to regard life in New England as a struggle: Winters were long; summers short. A Boston man who stood watch on Beacon Hill in the 1630s DOI: 10.3172/BB.5.1.21 21 would have gazed east upon the Atlantic and west into wilderness. His emotions cannot be known, but exhilaration and terror would have been reasonable. Would he have scouted for "a place leavel enough to play ball"?? Not yet, I suspect. A ceaseless labor awaited him, from which no one was exempt, not even his children. Some children were fortunate enough to go to school. In 1635, the Public Latin School opened on the north side of School Street. Where students played then isn't clear, but the Common beckoned. As the conditions of life improved, and grandfathers and fathers pushed back the wilderness, children had more of a chance to play. Of schoolboys in the 1700s, Edward Ellsworth Brown wrote, "In the few hours that could be given to out-door sports, they had skating and coasting in winter, and in summer swimming, and a variety of games, including some with bat and ball." 10 More schools started, more schoolboys flooded onto the Common as classes let out. In time, Boston Latin's "play- ground was that corner of Boston Common lying between the path from West Street to the Old Elm, and Park Street and Beacon Street." As long as anyone could remember, "Boston Common was the playground of the Boston School Boys. 2 In 1831, the young Samuel Gray Ward observed, "There are a great many boys all the time on the Common now playing bat and ball In 1840, a former Bostonian recalled in the Honolulu Polynesian, "There's good old bat and ball, just the same as when [we] ran from the school house to the 'Common' to exercise our skill that way "14 Between 1851 and 1854, J. Pierpont Morgan attended Boston English School and "in between school and work, played 'bat and ball' on Boston Common."15 Boyhood play gave rise to nostalgia, which resulted in positive accounts of ballplaying that offset news of boys crushed beneath the wheels of a wagon during a game of ball or adult men struck down by "surfeit, playing ball. "16 Thomas Wentworth Higginson and James DeWolf Lovett, from Cambridge and Boston Common, a good place to play ball. James Kidder (1793-1837). 22 BaseBall 5/1 (Spring 2011) would have gazed east upon the Atlantic and west into wilderness. His emotions cannot be known, but exhilaration and terror would have been reasonable. Would he have scouted for "a place leavel enough to play ball"?9 Not yet, I suspect. A ceaseless labor awaited him, from which no one was exempt, not even his children. Some children were fortunate enough to go to school. In 1635, the Public Latin School opened on the north side of School Street. Where students played then isn't clear, but the Common beckoned. As the conditions of life improved, and grandfathers and fathers pushed back the wilderness. children had more of a chance to play. Of schoolboys in the 1700s, Edward Ellsworth Brown wrote, "In the few hours that could be given to out-door sports, they had skating and coasting in winter, and in summer swimming, and a variety of games, including some with bat and ball." ¹ ¹ More schools started, more schoolboys flooded onto the Common as classes let out. In time, Boston Latin's "play- ground was that corner of Boston Common lying between the path from West Street to the Old Elm, and Park Street and Beacon Street." As long as anyone could remember, "Boston Common was the playground of the Boston School Boys. 2 In 1831, the young Samuel Gray Ward observed, "There are a great many boys all the time on the Common now playing bat and ball In 1840, a former Bostonian recalled in the Honolulu Polynesian, "There's good old bat and ball, just the same as when [we] ran from the school house to the 'Common' to exercise our skill that way "14 Between 1851 and 1854, J. Pierpont Morgan attended Boston English School and "in between school and work, played 'bat and ball' on Boston Common."15 Boyhood play gave rise to nostalgia, which resulted in positive accounts of ballplaying that offset news of boys crushed beneath the wheels of a wagon during a game of ball or adult men struck down by "surfeit, playing ball. "16 Thomas Wentworth Higginson and James DeWolf Lovett, from Cambridge and Boston Common, a good place to play ball. James Kidder (1793-1837). 22 BaseBall 5/1 (Spring 2011) Boston respectively, celebrated their sporting days. During the early 1830s Higginson was fitted for Harvard in the private school of William Wells Dan Englishman. "Athletic sports, as well as the humanities, were warmly encouraged by Mr. Wells, and the after- noons spent in cricket, football, and skating on Fresh Pond "18 The cricket recalled by Higginson, Harvard Class of 1841, "was the same then played by boys on Boston Common very unlike what is now called cricket. Balls, bats, and wickets were all larger than in the proper English game; the bats especially being much longer, twice as heavy, and three-cornered instead of flat "19 Higginson was many things: an abolitionist, Civil War officer, women's rights advo- cate, and author of many books and articles. James eWolf Lovett, by contrast, was first and foremost a sportsman who wrote one book, Old Boston Boys and the Games They Played (1906). Lovett's descriptions have a substance previous accounts lack, partly because society no longer looked down upon a sportsman's enthusiasms: "The ready- made ball of those days, for sale, was either a mushy, pulpy feeling thing, with a soft cotton quilting over it which wore out in a few days; or else a rubber one, solid or hollow, as one preferred; but all equally unfit for batting purposes." Clearly, this ball could be used for hitting the runner without risk of injury. That such a ball was available in stores implies that customers purchased them for games familiar and popular. Lovett was restless with the "mushy" ball, SO his father made him a lively one: "The balls my father taught me to make were made of tightly wound yarn, with a bit of rubber at the core, quilted with good, rough twine, and would last a long time; and when needed new jackets could be put upon them " His father made him "a little bat of black walnut. I can see it now; it had a round handle for about a foot and gradually widened out into two flat sides, being perhaps an inch and a half thick. "21 Lovett expressed impatience with the batting that resulted: "This mode of back-striking was carried so far that bats not more than twelve or fifteen inches long with a flat surface were used, and instead of making any attempt to strike with it, this bat was merely held at a sharp angle and the ball allowed to glance off it, over the catcher's head."22 The Common was Lovett's playground. "A lot of mechanics, firemen, etc. of the West End occasionally used to meet on the Common for a game. "23 The conditions there suited some games but not others. "The Common was an impossible place for cricket, the hard baked ground making a good wicket or crease out of the question. I and others drifted into baseball. "24 Later, after his baseball career ended, Lovett joined the Longwood Cricket Club. Even before Lovett made the transition to the New York game, he yearned for another style of play: "the black walnut bat broke; but by this time I had outgrown it and wanted one like the others in use, that is, round and not square. "25 When he did play the New York game, his ball club, the Lowells, called the Common its home field. In the end, the Massachusetts game, like Boston itself, was eclipsed by New York. But Boston games have their story to tell and much to tell historians of baseball. Notes 1. Protoball 1726.2: "Diary of Samuel Sewall," in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 7, ser. 5 (p. 372). 2. DeWolfe, M. 1910. Boston Common: Scenes from Four Centuries (p. 7). 1726.2 Ballplaying and Boston Common (Turner) 23 3. Protoball 1856.20. A letter to a newspaper, cited in this Protoball entry, evokes "round ball" as pre- cursor of the Massachusetts game. Many Protoball "round ball" entries come from Henry Sargent, based on his letters to the Mills Commission in 1905. The earliest reference to "round ball" remains Robin Carver's Book of Sports: "It is sometimes called 'round ball.' But I believe that 'base' or 'goal ball' are the names generally adopted in our country" (Protoball 1834.1). Carver no doubt had cause to mention "round ball," yet he presents the name gingerly, as if unsure of its general usage. 4. Protoball 1858.35. A telling sidelight to the advent of the New York rules in Massachusetts comes from James DeWolf Lovett's Old Boston Boys and the Games They Played (1906). In addition to the Tri- Mountains of Boston, four other Massachusetts clubs played the New York game in 1858 (p. 42). The apostate cities were Westfield (Atwater), Springfield (Pioneer), and Northampton (Union and Nonotuck), roughly 90 miles west of Boston. Why such a cluster of clubs using New York rules? The answer, in part, is that these cities dated to the 1600s, when the earliest settlers followed the seacoast and rafted up the Con- necticut River long before attempting the state's interior wilderness. By 1858, of course, river travel was less common. But railways followed the path of least resistance, along the Connecticut River. Hence, New York rules came to western Massachusetts almost as soon as they came to Boston. 5. Ayer, M. 1903. Boston Common in Colonial and Provincial Days (p. 8). Barber, S. 1916. Boston Common: A Diary of Notable Events, Incidents, and Neighboring Occurences (p. 47). 6. Mather, C. (ed. R. Bosco). 1976. Paterna (p. 25). 7. Protoball 1726.2. 8. Mather and Sewall participated in the 1692 Salem witch trials. 9. Altherr, T. 2000. ""A Place Leavel Enough to Play Ball': Baseball and Baseball-type Games in the Colonial Era, Revolutionary War, and Early American Republic," Nine (p. 15). Altherr's title comes from Henry Dearborn's journal, written in 1779. 10. Brown, E. 1905. The Making of Our Middle Schools (p. 138). 11. Abbot, E. 1902. The New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. 57 (p. 300). 12. Barber 1916, 238-239. The quote is from Curtis Guild's address to the Sixth Reunion of the "Old Boston School Boys" (1885). 137 Samuel Gray Ward papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. 14. Protoball 1840.38. 15. Carosso, V., and R. Carosso. 1987. The Morgans: Private International Bankers, 1854-1913 (p. 41). 16. "Deaths," New York Spectator: Sept. 11, 1811. 17. Wells, as it turns out, was the grandfather of William Wells Newell, who compiled Games & Songs of American Children (1883). Indeed, at the time Newell published his book of games, he lived in the same rambling structure in Cambridge that had once housed his grandfather's school. 18. Higginson, M. 1914. Thomas Wentworth Higginson: The Story of His Life (p. 15). 19. Protoball 1840c.39. I invite readers to imagine a three-cornered bat. I can't picture anything other than a triangular post-like object, certainly not the shovel or spoon-like bat of Berkshires-style wicket. 20. Lovett, J. 1906. Boston Boys and the Games They Played (p. 133). 21. Ibid., 134. 22. Ibid., 132. 23. Ibid., 137. 24. Ibid., 72-73. Lovett also reported playing "Tip-cat" on Boston Common in the 1850s, though his description is limited to the specific feat of "Charlie Troupe a fine player of the old 'Massachusetts' game of baseball With the three strokes which were allowed in this game, I have seen a cat sent from the Spruce Street path on the Common over the Public Garden fence" (46-47). 25. Ibid., 137. 24 BaseBall 5/1 (Spring 2011) 3. Protoball 1856.20. A letter to a newspaper, cited in this Protoball entry, evokes "round ball" as pre- cursor of the Massachusetts game. Many Protoball "round ball" entries come from Henry Sargent, based on his letters to the Mills Commission in 1905. The earliest reference to "round ball" remains Robin Carver's Book of Sports: "It is sometimes called 'round ball.' But I believe that 'base' or 'goal ball' are the names generally adopted in our country" (Protoball 1834.1). Carver no doubt had cause to mention "round ball," yet he presents the name gingerly, as if unsure of its general usage. 4. Protoball 1858.35. A telling sidelight to the advent of the New York rules in Massachusetts comes from James DeWolf Lovett's Old Boston Boys and the Games They Played (1906). In addition to the Tri- Mountains of Boston, four other Massachusetts clubs played the New York game in 1858 (p. 42). The apostate cities were Westfield (Atwater), Springfield (Pioneer), and Northampton (Union and Nonotuck), roughly 90 miles west of Boston. Why such a cluster of clubs using New York rules? The answer, in part, is that these cities dated to the 1600s, when the earliest settlers followed the seacoast and rafted up the Con- necticut River long before attempting the state's interior wilderness. By 1858, of course, river travel was less common. But railways followed the path of least resistance, along the Connecticut River. Hence, New York rules came to western Massachusetts almost as soon as they came to Boston. 5. Ayer, M. 1903. Boston Common in Colonial and Provincial Days (p. 8). Barber, S. 1916. Boston Common: A Diary of Notable Events, Incidents, and Neighboring Occurences (p. 47). 6. Mather, C. (ed. R. Bosco). 1976. Paterna (p. 25). 7. Protoball 1726.2. 8. Mather and Sewall participated in the 1692 Salem witch trials. 9. Altherr, T. 2000. "A Place Leavel Enough to Play Ball': Baseball and Baseball-type Games in the Colonial Era, Revolutionary War, and Early American Republic," Nine (p. 15). Altherr's title comes from Henry Dearborn's journal, written in 1779. 10. Brown, E. 1905. The Making of Our Middle Schools (p. 138). 11. Abbot, E. 1902. The New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. 57 (p. 300). 12. Barber 1916, 238-239. The quote is from Curtis Guild's address to the Sixth Reunion of the "Old Boston School Boys" (1885). 13 Samuel Gray Ward papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. 14. Protoball 1840.38. 15. Carosso, V., and R. Carosso. 1987. The Morgans: Private International Bankers, 1854-1913 (p. 41). 16. "Deaths," New York Spectator: Sept. 11, 1811. 17. Wells, as it turns out, was the grandfather of William Wells Newell, who compiled Games & Songs of American Children (1883). Indeed, at the time Newell published his book of games, he lived in the same rambling structure in Cambridge that had once housed his grandfather's school. 18. Higginson, M. 1914. Thomas Wentworth Higginson: The Story of His Life (p. 15). 19. Protoball 1840c.39. I invite readers to imagine a three-cornered bat. I can't picture anything other than a triangular post-like object, certainly not the shovel or spoon-like bat of Berkshires-style wicket. 20. Lovett, J. 1906. Boston Boys and the Games They Played (p. 133). 21. Ibid., 134. 22. Ibid., 132. 23. Ibid., 137. 24. Ibid., 72-73. Lovett also reported playing "Tip-cat" on Boston Common in the 1850s, though his description is limited to the specific feat of "Charlie Troupe a fine player of the old 'Massachusetts' game of baseball With the three strokes which were allowed in this game, I have seen a cat sent from the Spruce Street path on the Common over the Public Garden fence" (46-47). 25. Ibid., 137. 24 BaseBall 5/1 (Spring 2011) Hanard graduates Magagine blood 1908 542 News from the Classes. [March, 1833. principal trustees in Boston. In 1861 Charles Alfred Welch, who died at Mr. Welch joined the Monitor Lodge Cohasset, Jan. 22, 1908, was born in of Free Masons in Waltham, and he Boston, Jan. 30, 1815. He was the son was thenceforth prominent in that or- of Francis Welch, and Margaret Crease ganization, serving as the Grand Master Stackpole, both of Boston. He came of of the Masons of Massachusetts, 1878- long-lived stock: his father was born in 80. As a lawyer, his specialty was the 1776 and died in 1867; his grandfather, trial of cases before the Massachusetts Francis, was born in Boston in 1744 and the United States Supreme Courts; and died in England in 1790; his great- he was also distinguished as an equity grandfather, John (1711-1789), was a lawyer; and he managed large estates carver, and carved the wooden codfish in trust. He was cremated at Forest which is preserved in the State House, Hills Cemetery, and buried at Mt. Boston. Mr. Welch was born in a house Feeke Cemetery, Waltham. belonging to his mother's family on the site of the present Boston Post Office. Like his father, grandfather, and sons, Samuel Gray Ward was born at No. 3 Sic he attended the Boston Latin School. Park Place Boston, Oct. 3, 1817, and - Street In 1829 he entered Harvard and grad- died Nov. 17, 1907, at Washington, uated in the Class of 1833. While in D. C. His father, Thomas Wren Ward, College he belonged to the Med. Fac., was well known among the great mer- and to the Porcellian, of which he was chants of the day, as agent for Baring grand marshal, 1837-40. After grad- Brothers of London from 1828 until he uating he taught Latin and Greek at retired in the "fifties," and showed his Baltimore College in 1833-34. In 1834- public spirit by serving gratuitously as 35, he attended the Harvard Law Treasurer of Harvard College for 12 School, and in 1837 he began to prac- years, also being a member of its Cor tise law in Boston. In March, 1838, he poration. His mother, Lydia Gray, formed a partnership with Edward D. was the daughter of Samuel Gray of Sohier. '29, which continued unbroken Boston. Samuel Gray Ward went to until Mr. Sohier's death, Nov. 23, 1888. the Public Latin School; the Round He was once, about 1860, a candidate Hill School at Northampton, and Har on the Democratic ticket for Congress. vard College, where he graduated at the For many years he served as Chairman age of 19. On his return from travel of the Waltham School Committee. He in Europe he married, Oct. 3, 1840, resided in Waltham from about 1847 Anna Hazard Barker, daughter of until about 1880. The last 25 years of Jacob Barker and Eliza Hazard of his life he made his home in Cohasset. Rhode Island. After three years in For many years he was president of business he retired and settled at Lenox, the Lewis and Long Wharf Companies, where he spent his time in the varied and of the Social Law Library; and a occupations of farming, reading, and director in the 3d National Bank of painting, for the next six years. His Boston. On Aug. 20, 1844, he married poetic temperament inclined him to a Mary Love Boott, of Boston, who died literary life and he wrote a few essays. March 29, 1899. Two of their children translations, and poems, some of which survive, viz.: Charles A., a yachtsman, appeared in The Dial, and Emerson's and Francis C., a lawyer, and one of the "Parnassus." The circle at Cambridge, 1908.] News from the Classes. 543 to which he belonged had at its head in Plymouth, March 3, 1822, a son of the wife of Prof. Farrar, and among William and Joanna Davis, his mother the friends of his early days were William being a daughter of Capt. Gideon White, Ellery Channing, Margaret Fuller, and who was an officer in the English Army, Emerson. It was to Samuel Gray Ward and a descendant of Peregrine White. that Emerson's "Letters to a Friend the first child born in the Pilgrim Colony. were written from 1838 to 1853. About Mr. Davis received his early education 1850, his father - wishing to retire in the Plymouth public schools, and entrusted him with the business in the entered Harvard College, being gradu- United States of Baring Brothers, the ated in the Class of 1842 at the age of 20. foreign bankers for the government. Then he traveled in Europe, and on He conducted this business with signal his return to this country he studied ability and success through the Civil law at the Law School and was admitted War, and was actively interested in the to the Boston bar in 1849, but never politics of the times with John Forbes, practised In 1853 he removed from Henry Lee, and others. In 1865 he Boston to his native town, which was moved to New York for greater con- thenceforth his home. The fisheries venience in business - where. with his being at that time one of the most im- brother, George Cabot Ward, '43, he portant industries of the town, he nat- continued to represent Baring Brothers urally became interested in them, and until 1885, when he retired and went to was engaged in sending vessels to the live in Washington, D. C. In later Grand Banks, but soon turned his at- years, with more leisure, he spent much tention to banking and was president time in painting, chiefly in water-colors of the Plymouth Bank, and the Ply- with great success; and retained an mouth National Bank. Public affairs active interest in public affairs, litera- early attracted him, and he was elected ture, and art throughout his life, being to the board of selectmen in 1855, and a founder of the Union Club, Boston, served continuously to 1866, being a supporter of the Nations and a trustee chairman for the last 11 years, and of the Metropolitan Art Museum in having the responsibilities of that office New York. He had three daughters during the Civil War, when he devoted and one son. His eldest daughter, Anna most of his time to the needs of the sol- Barker Ward, married Joseph Thoron diers in the hospitals, and on the field, as and died in 1874. leaving two children. well as to those of their families at home. One surviving daughter, Lydia Gray In that period he enlisted about 800 Ward, married Baron Richard Hoffman men from Plymouth and the near-by and has two sons. The other daughter. towns. He declined a re-election in Elizabeth Barker Ward, married Baron 1866, and was chosen twice afterwards, Ernst Schönberg. His son, Thomas but declined to serve. In 1888 he was Wren Ward, of the Class of '66, married again elected to the board, and this Sophia Read Howard, of Baltimore, time he served for several years. He and has three children. With the was a member of the school committee death of Mr. Ward the Class of 1836 for a long term of years. In his early became extinct. It had 39 members. life he was a Republican in politics, and was sent to the General Court as 1842. senator from the Plymouth district in William Thomas Davis was born 1858 and 1859, and in 1864 he was a 1908.] News from the Classes. 543 to which he belonged had at its head in Plymouth, March 3, 1822, a son of the wife of Prof. Farrar, and among William and Joanna Davis, his mother the friends of his early days were William being a daughter of Capt. Gideon White, Ellery Channing, Margaret Fuller, and who was an officer in the English Army, Emerson. It was to Samuel Gray Ward and a descendant of Peregrine White. that Emerson's "Letters to a Friend the first child born in the Pilgrim Colony, were written from 1838 to 1853. About Mr. Davis received his early education 1850, his father - wishing to retire in the Plymouth public schools, and entrusted him with the business in the entered Harvard College, being gradu- United States of Baring Brothers, the ated in the Class of 1842 at the age of 20. foreign bankers for the government. Then be traveled in Europe, and on He conducted this business with signal his return to this country he studied ability and success through the Civil law at the Law School and was admitted War, and was actively interested in the to the Boston bar in 1849, but never politics of the times with John Forbes, practised. In 1853 he removed from Henry Lee, and others. In 1865 he Boston to his native town, which was moved to New York for greater con- thenceforth his home. The fisheries venience in business - where. with his being at that time one of the most im- brother, George Cabot Ward, '43, he portant industries of the town, he nat- continued to represent Baring Brothers urally became interested in them. and until 1885, when he retired and went to was engaged in sending vessels to the live in Washington, D. C. In later Grand Banks, but soon turned his at- years, with more leisure, he spent much tention to banking and was president time in painting, chiefly in water-colors, of the Plymouth Bank, and the Ply- with great success; and retained an mouth National Bank. Public affairs active interest in public affairs, litera- early attracted him, and he was elected ture, and art throughout his life, being to the board of selectmen in 1855, and a founder of the Union Club, Boston, served continuously to 1866, being a supporter of the Nation, and a trustee chairman for the last 11 years, and of the Metropolitan Art Museum in having the responsibilities of that office New York. He had three daughters during the Civil War, when he devoted and one son. His eldest daughter, Anna most of his time to the needs of the sol- Barker Ward, married Joseph Thoron diers in the hospitals, and on the field. as and died in 1874. leaving two children. well as to those of their families at home. One surviving daughter, Lydia Gray In that period he enlisted about 800 Ward, married Baron Richard Hoffman men from Plymouth and the near-by and has two sons. The other daughter, towns, He declined a re-election in Elizabeth Barker Ward, married Baron 1866 and was chosen twice afterwards, Ernst Schönberg. His son, Thomas but declined to serve. In 1888 he was Wren Ward, of the Class of '66, married again elected to the board, and this Sophia Read Howard, of Baltimore, time he served for several years. He and has three children. With the was a member of the school committee death of Mr. Ward the Class of 1836 for a long term of years. In his early became extinct. It had 39 members. life he was a Republican in politics, and was sent to the General Court as 1842. senator from the Plymouth district in William Thomas Davis was born 1858 and 1859, and in 1864 he was a Hudspeth, Robert N. Harvard Library 11 Margaret Fuller's 1839 Journal: Trip to Bristol Buletin 447 raphy of Goethe. Riding the enthusiasm of her writing through the 27, H 4 spring, she wrote long essays on contemporary French writers, es- says that Emerson praised. She visited the exhibition of paintings (1979), and engravings at the Allston Gallery and wrote up a record of her 445-70. observations. (Finally, she wrote a critical response to the drawings and essays of Samuel Gray Ward. It was in him that her public and private life came together, for he was not only an artist and a student of German Romanticism but also an attractive young man to whom she was increasingly drawn. She had been introduced to him in 1834 or 1835 by Eliza Farrar, who had invited both Ward and Fuller to accompany the Farrars to Europe Fuller was set to go when her father died suddenly in Octo- ber 1835. The burden of a destitute family kept her at home while saw the Farrars and Sam Ward went abroad. (The two resumed their acquaintance upon Ward's return, and in 1839 this friendship had deepened, at least on Fuller's part, into love. Although most of the correspondence between them has been destroyed, enough fragments remain to give evidence of Fuller's deep feelings toward Ward and of her expectations that more than a mere literary friendship would develop. But by mid-summer of 1839, Fuller was seeing clear signs that Ward was retreating from her and that his feelings, whatever they had once been, were becoming increasingly cool. We can conjecture that she went to Bristol in part to escape her problems with Ward, if only for a few days; it is likely that she went with a sense of foreboding and a powerful fear of rejection. By the end of August the romance was broken; Ward had rejected Fuller and was beginning to court Anna Hazard Barker (who, to complicate matters, was a close friend of Fuller's) 8 C The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Ralph L. Rusk (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), II, 223. 7 See especially the MS copy of a letter from Fuller to Ward, July 1839. Houghton fMS Am 1086 (Works, 1:179-81) and the holograph letters, Fuller to Ward, ca. I September 1839 and 15 October 1839. Houghton fMS Am 1086 (9:60); (9:63). Ward's replies have not survived. 8 On 3 October 1840 Ward married Anna (1813-1900), daughter of Jacob and Eliza Hazard Barker, a New Orleans beauty who had become a close friend of Fuller's. Sam Ward (1817-1907) entered the banking profession under his father, Thomas Wren Ward, and was highly successful as director of the American office of Baring Brothers. After their marriage, the Wards became and remained good friends of Margaret Fuller's. For more on Ward, see David Baldwin, "Puritan lof3 THE HOUR OF PRIENDSHIP" DAVID M. ROBINSON The first arose out of the utopian talk of community, cooperation, and human members of a group of five that included Caroline Sturgis, Anna Barker, solidarity that came under the label of Associationism or Fourierism, and and Samuel Gray Ward-bright, articulate, artistic, and charming young led to the Brook Farm experiment. Emerson refused to join the group, but individuals, 'Margaret, wherever she came, fused people into society, & not without some soul-searching, and the presence of so many of his friends, klowing company was the result," Emerson recalled of her (JMN 11: 449). acquaintances, and allies there certainly created a pull on his attention and AN soon as "The American Scholar" and "The Divinity School Address" had thrust Emerson into public view as the presumed leader of an avant- spurred him to deeper thinking about the possibilities of human community and social discourse. The famous conviviality of Brook Farm, the undercur- Marde movement, he also found himself surrounded by engaging protégés rent of escapade that seems to have coursed through the group's early years, who were eager to know him and each other better. The aim of this group-an aim that Fuller cultivated-seems to have furthered the commune's claims and appeal.2 An even more significant advocate of friendship was Margaret Fuller. been to establish a circle that was purely open in its communication, spon- Among the Transcendentalists it was Fuller who placed friendship at the lancous, thoroughly honest, and free of convention. That there were erotic center of her philosophy, pressing that issue both philosophically and emo- undercurrents among them is clear enough from the correspondence, and there have been several quite different readings of the group dynamic. It tionally on Emerson. We can, in fact, best understand Fuller's innovative and pioneering theorizing of feminism and women's rights to be essentially WASN in fact, the engagement of Barker and Ward that broke the party up, an outgrowth of her concern with friendship. In a journal entry recollect- king Fuller profoundly, and bruising her friendship with Emerson. Ward and Barker were married on Ward's birthday, 3 October 1840-a date ing the headiest days of the Transcendentalist movement, Emerson wrote that it was in many ways a movement of Margaret's friends: "Margaret with white h, as Robert Hudspeth has written, "Fuller noted each succeeding her radiant genius and fiery heart was perhaps the real centre that drew so year" (Fuller The interconnections and undercurrents among the many & SO various individuals to a seeming union" (JMN 16: 22). group are fascinating. Fuller had perhaps been in love with Ward. She had It was the socially constructed inequality between men and women perhaps also been in love with Barker. Fuller's relationship with Emerson that made true friendships difficult or impossible, Fuller believed. Such WAN emotionally intense-some readers consider them to have been "in also filled with stress and conflict. Emerson's letters to Caroline inequality was not only a barrier to friendships between men and women, it also distorted men's relationships with men and women's with women. Sturgis, Fuller's closest female friend, are unusually warm and intimate, Fuller contended, as I have argued elsewhere, that the philosophy of self- and Kathleen Lawrence has recently described Sturgis as Emerson's "soul- culture that grounded Transcendentalist discourse implied and demanded mate and feminine counterpart" (Lawrence 2005, 38). Emerson and Ward an equality between men and women. Her Woman in the Nineteenth Cen- seem powerfully drawn to each other, and Caleb Crain has recently argued that Emerson wrote "Friendship" with Samuel Ward principally in mind.4 tury reclaims the possibilities of friendship as the heart of the quest for spiritual learning, just living, and the growth of the soul-all of which are Irresistible though these speculations may be, the more significant point IN that Fuller-and implicitly, Emerson-had hoped that the circle would essential aspirations of Transcendentalism. remain as it was: a unified community of souls attempting to redefine Emerson met Fuller in 1836, and initially claimed that he was not im- pressed. But Fuller insisted on friendship and proved to Emerson that she friendship and experimenting in a new form of dialogue and intimacy. could be a stimulating and challenging companion, and that he needed The fate of this experiment is one of the more important catalysts for such stimulations and challenges. Bringing him not only her own energy, Emerson's essay on "Friendship." While it is technically an "early" Emerson originality, wit, boldness, and immense learning, Fuller also brought a work, part of the first collection of Essays that distilled his annual lecture group of lively younger friends to Emerson, with the apparent mission of series of the 1830s, the essay rehearses a pattern of thinking that we might luring him out of himself-not allowing him to settle into the reserve and associate more closely with Emerson's somewhat later philosophical reori- decorum to which he at times inclined By 1839 she had engineered a small entation, of which "Experience" is the signature essay. In this reorientation, Emerson called into question several of the premises of his earlier work, utopian experiment of her own. in which she and Emerson were the senior Eds. John T. Lysakert Wm.doss: Indiana.U.P., 2010 2.of3 50 DAVID M. ROBINSON "IN THE GOLDEN HOUR OF FRIENDSHIP" reconsidering his affirmations of human enlightenment and benevolence, with profound consequences for the conception of family relations, com- and qualifying his advocacy of the self-reliant individual. One of the causes munity building, democratic dialogue, participatory citizenship, and just of this reorientation was Emerson's disillusionment with the seeming certi- public policy. "Friendship" suggests ways of considering transpersonal goals tude produced by, on the one hand, rationalistic idealism, and on the other, that have significant promise for cooperative human association in a broad visionary or mystical experience. His pursuit of such certitude gradually arena of activities. For Emerson, Fuller, and most of the Transcendentalists, became secondary to the more complex and demanding goal of ethical dis- a renewed and expanded conception of friendship represented an important cipline and pragmatic effort in the service of broader social justice. If we dimension of the utopian energy of the 1830S and 1840s. Emerson's theoretical regard "Friendship" as one of the earlier signs of a shift in Emerson's think- Investigation of friendship must be seen in this light, as a moment in which ing, one which he self-consciously dramatizes in the structure of the essay his long engagement with self-culture also yielded an ethical inquiry into itself, then we can also conclude that the collapse of the small but intensely right expectations and just conduct among friends, and a re-imagining of the engaged circle of friends that Fuller brought together was one of the initiating power of friendship to reformulate the social dimensions of experience. events in Emerson's disillusionment. There was clearly something experi- mental and utopian about this group's aspirations-an implicit but working The paradoxical heart of the essay on "Friendship" is Emerson's refusal, on assumption among them, that the constrictive barriers which had defined ethic al and pragmatic grounds, to accept the very theory of human relation- friendship in the past were being overcome. In the same way that the Brook ships that he shows logically to be the inexorable law of the human condi- Farmers believed that they were reinventing work and community, Fuller- tion Though unobserved, as far as I have seen, in the ocean of Emerson and to varying degrees those she had gathered around her-felt that they # holarship, criticism, and commentary, Emerson enacts in this essay a were redefining intimate friendship and love as something that was mutually quite extraordinary repudiation of his own philosophy. He first describes shared among a group rather than restricted to a couple. the desire of one individual for another as an unchosen or fated condition, When Samuel Ward and Anna Barker announced their engagement, the initial promise of which is by nature impossible to fulfill. By this logic, it was as if they had betrayed the larger project of friendship and its poten- friendship is always already doomed to fail. But Emerson then simply dis- tially revolutionary aspirations. This was an acute emotional blow to Fuller, misses this iron law of existence as a recognition "not to be indulged," and who not only lost her close connections with Ward and Barker, but also dese ribes human relationships not as the product of determinism or fate, found her relationship with Emerson diminished, because she no longer but of the careful nurture of creative sympathies, and of a discipline that had the emotional access to him that the larger group of friends provided. requires both deep perception and unyielding commitment. Emerson's essay on "Friendship" suggests that, stoic though he seems about Emerson's opening observations on friendship focus on the riddle that it in his letters and journals, the collapse of the group was significant to "we have a great deal more kindness than is ever spoken" (CW 2: 113). Such him as well, teaching him the limits of such utopian aspirations, while veiled and unspoken kindness, he suggests, tempers the callousness that simultaneously reinforcing the power and the immense value of human we NCC everywhere around us. "Maugre all the selfishness that chills like affection and mutual sympathy. Insofar as Emerson, Fuller, and their east winds the world, the whole human family is bathed with an element friends were attempting (in the words of the Orphic Poet in Emerson's of love like a fine ether" (CW 2: 113). This assertion of an implicit sympathy Nature) to "build" their "own world," they found that they were unable to and compassion intimates the possibility of a social world that might be do so. Ward and Barker retreated into the convention of marriage, thereby transformed through compassion and benevolence, of an alternate social abdicating their central role in this newly emerging group friendship. reality that lurks in daily events and ordinary interactions. "Friendship" is therefore rooted in a utopian social experiment, though of an unusual kind. While the essay's representations of life and its images I low many persons we meet in houses, whom we scarcely speak to, whom yet we honor, and who honor us! low many we see in the street, or sit with and language are couched in terms of interpersonal relationships, these issues in church, whom, though stiently, we warmly rejoice to be with! Read the point toward a larger vision of human mutuality and Interdependent support, language of these wandering eye-beams. The heart knoweth. (CW 2: 113) 3 of 3 22 LAWRENCE BUELL TRANSCENDENTAL FRIENDSHIP 23 ern scholars have been predisposed to think otherwise. So my summary An Oxymeron? not) But the model for the Friend of Thoreau's essay, to the extent it is answer to the question my title posed is: Yes, Transcendental friendship is based on a particular individual, is almost surely his late elder brother oxymoronic; but it does not follow from this that its theorists were less John, who accompanied him on the trip that his book memorializes. than friends in practice. I hope that this précis is both pointed enough to But what I should especially stress about the two discourses is a telling serve as a signpost for the rest of this essay, and tantalizing enough to keep difference in emphasis notwithstanding convergence on a number of points, my explication from seeming anticlimactic. ww. that friendship should be conducted on the highest moral plane, that friends should be utterly sincere with each other, that so-called friendship is Friendship in Theory type ally a shabby affair compared with what friendship ought to be, and that friendship of the very highest kind is rare, exceedingly hard to attain, and The intertextual links between Thoreau's 1849 disquisition on friendship Indeed is obtainable only in fleeting moments. ("Like the immortality of the in A Week and Emerson's "Friendship" essay of 1841 are so thick that it is well to start by reminding ourselves that (almost certainly) neither man is toul," writes Emerson, it is "too good to be believed" [CW 2: 116].) Perhaps the prototypical friend the other has chiefly in mind. the single most revealing indicator of this underlying difference between the Essays. however, is their different way of handling the device of the tortuous Emerson's essay was published in the wake of that moment in his life hypothetical letter to one's would-be friend. The tenor of the two letters dif- when he was most drawn by the idea of "a circle of godlike men and women for sharply. variously related to each other, and between whom subsists a lofty intelli- On the one hand, Emerson posits that "every man," "if he should re- gence." Here Emerson hints at a recurring dream he realized in part and ford his true sentiment, might write a letter like this, to each new can- never gave up on trying to realize more fully: to attract a critical mass of didate for his love": like-minded people of both sexes to Concord who would provide all the best pleasures of intellectual stimulation and sociality. The individuals he espe- Dear Friend:- cially had in mind at this point were probably Margaret Fuller, Caroline II I was sure of thee, sure of thy capacity, sure to match my mood with thine, Sturgis, Samuel Gray Ward, and Anna Barker-the latter two of whom, to I should never think again of trifles, in relation to thy comings and goings. both Emerson's and Fuller's chagrin, proceeded to get married and go their I am not very wise: my moods are quite attainable: and I respect thy genius: II IN to me as yet unfathomed; yet dare I not presume in thee a perfect intel- own way. The real-life "ideal" reader that epistolary records suggest Emer- ligence of me, and so thou art to me a delicious torment. Thine ever, or never. son had most pointedly in mind, as the essay was in preparation, was young W 2: 117) Samuel Ward-exactly Thoreau's age (fourteen years younger than Emer- son), but from a higher socioeconomic class. Ward was a genteel and refined On the other hand, Thoreau's (rather longer) letter, which he imagines artistic dilettante who later blossomed (or faded, depending on your view) being written by "the true and not despairing Friend," goes like this: into the "wizard of Wall Street." While putting the finishing touches on I never asked thy leave to let me love thee,-I have a right. I love thee not as "Friendship," Emerson alerted Ward that he hoped to send it to him-as evi- something private and personal, which is your own, but as something uni- dently he later did-for "I would gladly provoke a commentary from so il- versal and worthy of love, which I have found. o how I think of you! You are luminated a doctor of the sweet science as yourself. I have written nothing purely good,-you are infinitely good. I can trust you forever. I did not think that humanity was so rich. Give me an opportunity to live. with more pleasure, and the piece is already indebted to you and I wish to You are the fact in a fiction,-you are the truth more strange and ad- swell my obligations" (CL 391-392). mirable than fiction. Consent only to be what you are. 1 alone will never As for Thoreau, whose essay on friendship in the "Wednesday" chapter stand in your way. of A Week was composed with a decade's experience of Emerson as his This is what I would like,-to be as intimate with you as our spirits are primary coach and encourager, the model Imagined reader may well have intimate,-respecting you as I respect my ideal. Never to profane one an- been his mentor, whom the text explicitly lauds (as Walden studiously does other by word or action, even by a thought. Between us, if necessary, let there be no acquaintance. 19.10t6 1013 her return to Groton at the beginning of October, she naturally obliged. So began exception of Henry Wadsworth I longfellow's classes at I larvard just then begin- the steady stream of visits and stopovers that would eventually make the Bush ning. Fuller's Boston school probably provided more comprehensive instruction house for Fuller a second-if not always entirely tranquil-home. in modern European literature than that offered anywhere in America, 1836 V (S.G.W.) Besides teaching the twenty or so adolescent girls and young women who began her classes on November 9, Fuller that winter gave (at the hefty rate of two dollars per hour per student) private lessons to five other young women. She also By mid-October of 1836 Fuller was back in Boston. The reason for her quick once a day for ten weeks instructed in Latin orally and read English history and return was this time, not pleasure, but business. She was acutely aware (as she Shakespeare's historical plays to a little blind boy. ("Very interesting, but very told a friend in the summer) that her "dear, gentle, suffering mother" and bei latiguing," she described this last experience to Clarke.) Her students came to younger siblings were counting on her to make up the deficit in the family her in various ways. Many were from her growing collection of protégées. "You income. As she had recently decided the pen would not do it for her, she knew know my magnetic power over young women," she had boasted to Clarke the she needed (as she said to Clarke) to "take other means." Those means, of year before; "well! some ten or twelve have been drawn into my sphere since you course, were the only ones she had ever had available to her. As she announced knew me- to all I have given sympathy and time (more than was agreeable)." with a firm sigh that summer in another letter to a friend, "I will make up my Others were drawn by word of mouth. A November 8 letter from her young mind teach." And she did. In the summer she even briefly resuscitated her old friend Sam Ward, then traveling with the Farrars in London, to his sister Mary, plan of teaching in the West, but as usual Clarke discouraged her from thinkin shows how one word got around: of that as a "money-making" idea. So she tried something nearer to home-hu own school in Boston. After making arrangements to board with her Uncle You tell me that Miss Fuller is coming to Boston to give lessons in the languages, Henry and his family at No. 1 Avon Place and taking rooms for her school next and Lwish you by all means to take the opportunity of being with her. She not only door at No. 2, she had printed up and distributed a circular proposing "to give has read more than any woman of my acquaintance but understands more thor- instruction to classes of Ladies in GERMAN. ITALIAN, and FRENCH oughly the spirit of the German and Italian literatures than anyone I know. But ERATURE," for the then fairly steep per-student price of fifteen dollars for one whether or not you study German or Italian with her, make her if you can your twelve-week course of twenty-four lessons. Like her rates, her objectives were friend; talk with her and consult her on any subject from a ribband to your Bible. I high. "Pupils," the circular read, would read only "the best authors." They could am sure you will find her a delightful acquaintance and with a universality of knowl- also be expected to receive sufficient "historical and critical" instruction edge that will surprise you. 54 enabling them to become, "with ease and pleasure," both "familiar with the style Both Fuller's boast and Ward's broadside also showed something else-that of the prominent writers of those nations, at different eras in their literary his for some of her adolescent girls, her teaching was as much personal as intellec- tory" as well as cognizant of "some part of the treasures of thought" contained tual. Certainly this was true with her inner circle of pupils. They came from in their works. In her circular Fuller frankly confessed that she herself had been wealthy and highly literate Boston families: Caroline Sturgis, the younger sister impeded in the past by not having had sufficient oral instruction, and this is the of Margaret's old friend Ellen Sturgis and the daughter of the wealthy William key to what she was trying to do. Essentially she was offering college-level Sturgis, whose firm, Bryant and Sturgis, controlled over half of the American instruction to adolescent girls who had been denied, as she had been, a college made with the Pacific Coast and China; Jane Tuckerman, a talented songstress education. Her descriptions of her classes' pace and content confirm this. With and the daughter of another well-to-do Boston merchant; Marianne Jackson, the her elementary German students, she sped. "At the end of three months," she daughter of the state Supreme Court justice Charles Jackson and the niece of reported to Clarke, "they could read 20 pages of Gn at a lesson and very well, Patrick Tracy Jackson, the cofounder with his brother-in-law Francis Cabot Her advanced German classes she drove at an even faster clip: during their first I owell of the Boston Manufacturing Company and the architect of its famous three-month session they read three dramas of Lessing's, two of Schiller's, and five of Goethe's, including the first part of Faust ("as valuable to me as to them") I owell town and mills;(Mary Ward. the daughter of the banker and American Haring Brothers agent Thomas Wren Ward: and Mary Channing, the oldest MGW along with a good deal of Tieck and the first volume of Jean Paul's difficult Titani child of Boston's illustrious Dr. William Ellery Channing. These were some of In Italian her students read large parts of Tasso, Petrarch, Ariosto, and Alfieri, Boston's most cultivated girls, and their families were anxious-in good Boston as well as the entire Divina Commedia ("with the aid of the fine Athenaeum copy and all the best commentaries"). She also managed to secure with Emerson Umitarian tradition-that they receive the best moral and intellectual training help ("it would be their great pleasure to do it," he graciously reported), the assis then money could buy. Fuller did her best to provide it. "My dearest, you must suffer," she wrote in answer to one note from the "sensitive, overstrained" tance of Harvard language instructors Hermann Bokum, Francis Sales, and Pie Jane about Jane's despondency over her mother's illness, "but you will always tro Bachi to provide special classes in speaking and pronunciation, With the be growing stronger, and with every trial nobly met, you will feel a growing assur- page 2 of6 276 told Caroline she wanted to end their "intimate" friendship. Not until the win cool, SO decided & sure in his opinions," Sarah Clarke would tell Fuller a few ter-after months of mutual silence punctuated by cautiously affectionate lete years later; "he must always control the minds of those near him, except in the ters-did their friendship get repaired or (as Fuller put it the following year) very few instances where he meets his equal.") The few fragments of his intel- "redeemed from 'the search after Eros.' lectual reflections that survive from these couple of years support this percep- Fuller's allusion to the beautiful, libidinous boy Eros, who is seduced by his lion. Also, apart from Emerson, Ward was the only one of their circle to have foster mother in the fairy tale in Novalis's Heinrich von Ofterdingen, might have actually viewed firsthand the major European masterpieces, and his portfolio of been intended, at least unconsciously, as something more than a vague literary copies of them, which he would lend to Emerson in the fall of the following year, phrase. For the tides of emotion that swept over the beaches of Nahant were only was an important stimulus to their circle's growing passion for painting. the crest of a much larger wave for Fuller that summer. To locate the source of Most of all, Ward was drawn to Fuller. whose "literary insight & power of that wave, one needs to turn to another figure in Fuller's circle. assimilation," he would later write, he had found "astonishing." He later In a painting that the Romantic portraitist William Page did a couple of years claimed that Fuller had been the first person to open up to him the spiritual value later of Sam Ward-in a high-buttoned dark coat, with his dark, thick, longish of modern German and Italian literature, the most important intellectual pas- hair swept to the side over a high, Fullerlike brow crowning an oval face of large, sions of his life. But art and literature were not the only passions Ward stimu- Goldwin liquid eyes, sensuous nose and lips, and softly boyish yet stolid expression-he lated in Fuller. She also fell in love with him, although exactly how or when is looks very much like the Puritan aristocratic aesthete depicted by his modern not clear. After their trip together to Trenton Falls, they mostly carried on their biographer, His highly respected father, Thomas Wren Ward, whom he was friendship by mail. While Ward was traveling in Europe, they wrote frequently close to, was something, in a more worldly way, of a post-Puritan himself. to each other. All of this correspondence is lost, but if the one surviving and Besides being the successful American agent for Baring Brothers, the English already quoted letter she wrote before he left-about her fascination with the firm that financed most Anglo-American trade, the bookish elder Ward was also heaving, bosomlike, "undulatory motions" of water-is any indication, what- one of Boston's prime cultural leaders, serving for many years as the treasurer of ever was personally revelatory was pretty heavily veiled. After he returned and both Harvard University and the Boston Athenaeum. Naturally he saw to it that they had their happy August meeting at the Allston gallery (even two years later his son received a first-rate schooling. Unfortunately for his father, that school she would remember being then in "the heights of bliss"), her references to him ing, first at Boston Latin School, where Ward placed first in his class, and later 111 her letters assumed an increasingly affectionate tone. In February she asked at the progressive Round Hill School (which young Ward liked) and Harvard Caroline Sturgis to make a large, decorated box to hold all her letters, verses, and (which generally bored him), altogether confirmed his sense of himself (as he put sketches "from my friend Raphael," which she intended to "keep devoted to it) as "a student and literary man" rather than, as the seven generations of Wards him while I live." "I agree with you that this is not pretty enough for him, though before him. a merchant. This feeling was confirmed by his frequent visits to the quite pretty enough for me," she told Caroline, urging her to line his with a softer Athenaeum library and gallery and, after his graduation, by his year-and-a-half and paler color than she had used for hers. "He is such an Ariel that he deserves tour of Europe in the company of the Farrars and Harvard's professor-turned to be ministered to of every creature's best. author, George Ticknor.38 By this time, Ward was gone on a six-month pleasure and business trip It was further confirmed when, after returning to the United States in early through the Ohio Valley down to New Orleans. After he returned in April, they 1838, Ward renewed his friendship with Fuller, who introduced him to Emer resumed their friendship on, if anything (at least so Fuller would later claim), an son. Together they drew Ward into the growing circle of more or less Transcend even more affectionate plane than before. But by June it was clear to Fuller that dentalist young people they were gathering around them. Although the more something was seriously wrong, a fact no doubt that caused her, out of a desire bizarrely religious of the band bemused him, Ward cultivated friendships, if for some reassurance, to press Caroline at Nahant for a declaration of love. In little warily (one of them thought because of his "fear of ridicule"), with the more July, obviously worried, she wrote to him anxiously: literary and bohemian among them. He was especially taken with the unboh emian Emerson. His letters show that this was more because of Emerson's exam. No, I do not distrust you, so lately as you have spoken the words of friendship. You ple as a poised and independent literary intellectual than his specific ideas would not be so irreverent as to dare tamper with a nature like mine, you could not Ward's Goethean aestheticism would always keep him distant from Emerson' treat so generous a person with levity. idealism. Nonetheless, he maintained/ a lifelong friendship with the Concord The kernel of affection is the same, no doubt, but it lies dormant in the husk. Will ever a second Spring bid it put forth leaf and flower? I can make every allowance. sage. From their side, too, Fuller and Emerson found Ward to be a valuable com The bitterness of checked affections, the sickness of hope deferred, the dreariness of panion. Although barely twenty when he returned from Europe, Ward aston aspirations broken from their anchorage. I know them all, and I have borne at the ished many in their circle with his intellectual sophistication and commanding same time domestic unhappiness and ruined health. martner. ("His mind seems formed to subdue others to its influence-so clear, I know you have many engagements. What young man of promising character 278 Margaret Fuller Conversations (1838 1840) page afte 279 and prosperous fortunes has not one waiting his every hour? But if you are like you can trample upon such petty impossibilities if you love me as I deserve to me, be tasks, will wait for thee whom I have loved so well. I will never wound thy faith, nor loved, you cannot dispense with seeing me repel thy heart, never, never! Only thyself shall have power to divorce my love from We did not begin on the footing of rational good-will and mutual esteem, but of its office of ministry,- not even mine own pride shall do it. So help me God, as I intimacy; and I should think, if we ceased to be intimate, we must become nothing keep this vow, prays to one another. We knew long ago that age, position, and pursuits being so different, nothing but ISOLA.4 love bound us together, and it must not be my love alone that binds us. I want a On the surface, such mournful and elevated pleadings sound suspiciously friend that could realize to me what is expressed in Byron's ["Stanzas to Augusta") reminiscent of Fuller's one-way romance with George Davis eight years before. "Though the day of my destiny's over, &c" And above all the line "Though loved, (Her ever-loyal brother Richard would later disparage Ward to Margaret as thou forborest to grieve me!" "another George Davis.") Particularly when one adds to this Fuller's allusion to Evidently, foot-trampling demands, threats, appeals, and even Byronic self another love in Ward's life-along with her intimation that this was the reason pity failed to work. In early September, in a seething letter, she exploded in des for his withdrawal-the feeling of déjà vu would seem to be confirmed. But it peration and anger: would also be superficial. For one thing, the maternalistic Christian and German Romantic death rattles at the end of her letter suggest a relationship, if no less You love me no more- How did you pray me to draw near to you! What words ethereal than that with Davis, certainly at least at a higher emotional and intel- doubtless to yourself, too, of all we might be to one another. were spoken in impatience of separation! How did you promise to me, aye, and lectual pitch. For another, the serious-minded, artistically inclined Ward was a We are near and with Spring's fairest flower I poured out my heart to you.- At more complicated and, from Fuller's point of view, considerably more suscep- an earlier period I would fain have broke the tie that bound us, for I knew myself tible figure than the flippant, worldly-wise young Davis. Furthermore-though incapable of feeling or being content to inspire an ordinary attachment. As soon with most of Ward's side of the correspondence lost, we cannot be certain of I saw a flaw I would have broke the tie. You would not- You resented, yet with as this-it seems highly unlikely that Fuller would have alluded, however histri- what pathetic grace, any distrust on my part. Forever, ever are words of which you onically, to pledges by Ward unless he had indeed pledged that spring or sum- have never been, are not now afraid. mer, however obscurely or platonically, his love "forever, ever. "Finally, to com- find yourself with me. I doubt not the depth of your attachment, doubt not that -You call me your best of friends, your dearest friend, you say that you always plicate the matter still further, the young woman in this triangle was no mere acquaintance, but none other than Fuller's close and enormously admired friend attachment are gone-are they gone forever? feel my worth. But the confiding sweetness, the natural and prompt expression you of Anna Barker. In order to understand the full complexity of Fuller's love tangles, it is necessary to know something about Anna. The rest of the letter was a point by point enumeration of all the evidence that showed, despite his protestations of respect and friendship for her, his real eme tional indifference towards her. ("The confiding sweetness are V sympathizing contemplation of the beautiful in Nature, in Art is gone over for us.") The Still, she said, despite all this, she would not break things off. Instead, in an Even among Fuller's large collection of talented and well-to-do young female extraordinary conclusion, seething with both self-abnegation and presumption, friends, Anna Barker stood out. For one thing, she was not a Bostonian. she declared: Although her parents were New Englanders, she was born and lived for twenty- one years in New York City. After this, in 1834, her father, the flamboyant and for I will wait- I will not complain- I will exact nothing- I will make every allowance extremely wealthy, Democratic New York merchant Jacob Barker, following the restlessness of a heart checked in its love, a mind dissatisfied with its pursuits, one of his numerous financial gyrations, moved the family to New Orleans. I will bear in mind that my presence is like to recal all you have need to forget and There Anna attended for a while an upper-class Catholic convent school. After will try to believe that you would not be with me lest I "spoil you for your part on life's dull scene," or as you have said "call up the woman in you." this she continued to shuttle among her family's various town and country You say you love me as ever, forever. I will, if I can, rely upon your word, believing houses in New York and Newport. In the second place, she and her family were you must deem me entitled to unshrinking frankness. not Unitarians, but Quakers. Such a variety of high and liberal viewpoints, You given me the sacred name of Mother, and I will be so indulgent, as ten. together with her large family's closeness, probably explain the affectionate, sen- der, as delicate (if possible) in my vigilence, an if I had borne you beneath heart sitive, spiritual-minded, and, above all, generous characteristics one finds her instead of in it. But Oh, it is waiting like the Mother beside the sepulchre my for the displaying in her diary and letters. (Her friends were charmed by her habit of resurrection, for all I loved in you in at present dead and buried, only a light from Miving them presents on her birthday.) She was reasonably well read in contem- the tomb shines now and then in your eyes. But I will wait, to me the hardest of all have seems to porary English, French, and German Romantic literature, which she blithely filtered through a sentimental version of her Hicksite liberal Quak- page 4 of 6 280 Margaret Fuller Conversations (1838-1840) 281 erism. "That we ought to trust all and love all, and that then all would become are.laden with, not only ethereal passion, but homoerotic passion as well. One worthy of trust and love," Sarah Clarke would state as her "sweet doctrine" at a of her favorite gambits-in which her male friends also freely indulged-was to Transcendentalist discussion the following year. But mainly she impressed oth- compare (as in one letter to her favorite sex-role exchange partner Clarke) "my ers by her lively and gracious social charm and dazzling beauty. Certainly she Anna" with their young wives, fiancées, and lovers. But the best example of this impressed the Boston-Cambridge Unitarian and Transcendentalist friends sort of thing is suggested by a journal entry Fuller wrote three years later, after whom she saw whenever she visited her cousin Eliza Farrar. "You should have her passion for Anna had subsided. Recording the thoughts she had had while seen [her]," Emerson would write ecstatically-and rather typically-to his recently leafing through a collection of pictures of famous French men and probably startled Calvinistic confessor Aunt Mary after he met Anna in the fall; women during and after the Revolution, she wrote: "a vision of grace & beauty-a natural queen-just returned from Europe, where as here she received incense every day, in all places, which she accepts with Nothing fixed my attention so much, as a large engraving of Me Recamier in her high glee & straightway forgets from her religious heart. She is the very heroine boudoir. I have so often thought over the intimacy between her and Me de Stael. It of your dreamed romance which you related to Charles & me at Elm Vale is so true that a woman may be in love with a woman, and a man with a man. It is once. " SO pleasant to be sure of it because it is the same love that we shall feel when we are angels when we ascend to the only fit place for the Mignons where For Fuller, too, Anna Barker was a romantic heroine. Higginson speculated Sie fragen nicht nach Mann und Weib- that Eliza Farrar had originally introduced Margaret to her younger cousin, who It is regulated by the same law as that of love between persons of different sexes, only was three years younger than Margaret, with the idea of offering her as "a charm it is purely intellectual and spiritual, unprofaned by any mixture of lower instincts, ing model" in the ways of young womanhood. If true, this certainly would have undisturbed by any need of consulting temporal interests, its law is the desire of the given Fuller one initial push toward heroine-making. They also kept up contact. spirit to realize a whole which makes it seek in another being for what it finds not in After Fuller moved to Groton, in addition to vacationing together during Anna's itself. Thus the beautiful seeks the strong, and the strong the beautiful, the mute seek yearly summer treks from New York, and later New Orleans, to Cambridge and the eloquent &c the butterfly settles always on the dark flower. Why did Socrates love Newport, they wrote to each other frequently while Anna was in Europe Alcibiades?- why did Korner love Schneider? how natural is the love of Wallen- Numerous references in Fuller's letters and journals during this time show how stein for Max, that of Me de Stael for de Recamier, mine for Anna Barker. I loved Anna for a time I think with as much passion as I was then strong enough to feel- much Anna meant to her. "Have I ever told you how much I love her?" she had Her face was always gleaming before me, her voice was echoing in my ear, all poetic asked James Clarke about her "amica del cuore" a few months before her father thoughts clustered round the dear image. This love was a key which unlocked for me died. "Never could fancy create a being of greater purity grace and softness. many a treasure which I still possess, it was the carbuncle (emblematic gem) which If I write a novel I shall take Anna for my heroine." Over the next few years, she cast light into many of the darkest caverns of human nature.- She loved me, too, dedicated most of her poems, including her first serious Romantic ones like though not so much, because her nature was "less high, less grave, less large, less "Drachenfels" and "The Hieroglyphic Spell," to Anna as her "beloved" or (as deep" but she loved more tenderly, less passionately. She loved me, for I well remem- she put it aptly in one poem) "my heart's sister and my fancy's love." William ber her suffering when she first would feel my faults and knew one part of the exqui- Henry Channing-who had himself been attracted to Anna and had often seen site veil rent away, how she wished to stay apart and weep the whole day. Then again the two together during these years in Cambridge and Newport-thought that that night when she leaned on me and her eyes were such a deep violet blue, so like the deep attraction Anna had had for Margaret had been her allure as her unreal night, as they never were before, and we both felt such a strange mystic thrill and ized alter ego: knew what we had never known before. Now well too can I now account for that desire which I often had to get away from her and be alone with nature, which dis- Susceptible in temperament, anticipating with ardent fancy the lot of a lovely and pleased her so, for she wished to be with me all the time. I thought of all this as I refined woman, and morbidly exaggerating her own slight personal defects, Mar looked at M superscript(e) Recamier and had one thought beside which has often come into my garet seemed to long, as it were, to transfuse with her force this nymph-like form, mind, but I will not write it down; it is so singular that I have often thought I would and to fill her to glowing with her own lyric fire. No drop of envy tainted the sisterly never express it in any way; I am sure no human being but myself would understand love, with which she sought by genial sympathy thus to live in another's experience 11. " to be her guardian-angel, to shield her from contact with the unworthy, to rouse each It IS tantalizing, of course, to speculate on exactly what thought was so singular generous impulse, to invigorate thought by truth incarnate in beauty, and with unfelt ministry to weave bright threads in her web of fate.4 that she refused to write it down. The idea that would probably first strike many modern readers-that it was a conscious wish for a homosexual experience- Even if one discounts Channing's literary ornateness, that Margaret felt for seems unlikely. (She would a few years later praise unstintingly in her journal Anna as a more beautiful, graceful self is very plausible. It is also likely that Mar two poems of the lesbian poet Sappho, but then add, "as woman she is repul- garet was attracted to Anna sexual object Many of her references to Anna sive") Indeed, on one level, in her musings about Anna, she may not have been 282 page 5 off Margaret Fuller Conversations (1838-1840) 283 expressing much that was sexual at all. Both popular boosters of women's "kin- dred" homosocial passions and highbrow Romantic writers of the period often and she likewise "confessed her affection" as well as undoubtedly her attraction had a way of seeming to promote, while actually diffusing and sublimating, sex- to him. (A few years later, Sarah Clarke would report to Fuller that when she had ual expressions that are hard for later franker-or cruder-generations to grasp, recently seen them, Anna quoted Sam "at every other word as before.") There and certainly Fuller's proclaiming of the purely "spiritual" in homosocial love was, however, one major stumbling block-money, or, as Sam would later del- would fit into this pattern. On the other hand, Goethe's hermaphroditic Mignon icately put it in a letter to his father, the requirement that he satisfy "not only and the notoriously, if virginally, voluptuous and bisexually flirtatious Madame her feelings but her tastes." On this they had agreed: "There was very little prob- Récamier-posed in what one de Staël biographer has called Récamier's "awe- ability of such a connexion unless my plans of a scholar's life gave place to some inspiring" boudoir-definitely have a bisexual flavor that seems rather different lucrative profession." So, after returning to Boston in April and going to work from what one usually finds in either the sentimental female friendship literature for his father, Sam struggled with the dilemma Margaret gently alluded to in her or Anglo-American Romantic writings. Furthermore, one element in Fuller's letter of July: he disliked business and he wanted a literary career, but he also erotic self-consciousness put her far beyond the pale of most Anglo-American wanted Anna. Finally, after a year of sometimes difficult courtship-with Sam friendship writings; namely, her sense, which she often expressed in these years pledging to unite "the character of a literary man and a man of Business" and in her journals, that the possessive emotions she felt for Anna and, to a lesser Anna struggling to overcome her doubts-they married. For a few years Ward degree, other young women were those, not of a "kindred spirit," but an opposite worked for his father, contributed papers on art and literature to his Transcen- one. And not just an opposite one, she suggested, but one that was defined (as dentalist friends' Dial, and for a while tried living as a gentleman farmer in the she put it in a journal account that fall of one dream she had about the "femi- Berkshires-a sort of (in Emerson's word) "chateaux" version of the 1840s nine" Anna) by its "masculine traits." Thus, too, in this entry, the mysterious Transcendentalist effort to solve the vocational problem by combining frugality, "carbuncle"-a symbol of potency she got from Novalis and which she vari- farm work, and writing. Then, feeling guilty and dissatisfied with the life of a ously associated in this passage with her love for Anna, "a key which unlocked literary dilettante, he returned to Boston to take his father's place as the Amer- for me many a treasure," and an "emblematic gem lican agent for Baring Brothers. After the Civil War the Wards moved to New which cast light into many of the darkest caverns of human nature"-she would later write in her York, where Anna emerged as a popular socialite and Sam distinguished him- journal came in two genders: "The female cast out light, the male has his within self, as his father had, as a prominent patron of literature and the arts, serving himself. Mine is the male." Some of this, no doubt, is traceable to Fuller's recent for many years as a founder and trustee of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and reading in German and French Romantic literature, where sex-role swapping as a backer of E. L. Godkin's liberal Republican Nation. Like most New Englan- well as passionate displays of emotional attachment to both sexes sometimes fig. ders who had once been touched by the Transcendental virus, the Wards ure prominently. But this would still beg the question of why Fuller, unlike most retained remnants of their youthful Romantic faith. In middle age Anna con- men and women of her generation, responded so passionately and personally to verted to Roman Catholicism. Sam, meanwhile, clung to his Goethean panthe- this literature. Clearly, her latent bisexual feelings, going back to her remem ism, although salting it with the seasoning of a Victorian man of the world. bered feelings for Ellen Kilshaw and her mother, were not a mere literary affect "Every day," he wrote in a late essay on the philosophy of dress, citing Goethe's tation, but a deeply ingrained part of her emotional makeup. This would explain approval of the importance of appearances, should be "more or less a jour de why, given her basically heterosexual identity as well as the conventions of her lete." In this connection he found post-Romantic wisdom in Jean Anthelme culture, these bisexual feelings often led to tense relations and sometimes serious Brillat-Savarin's curiosity, The Physiology of Taste; or, Meditations on Tran- social crises. 47 scendental Gastronomy, which explored the influence of spiritual eating habits One of the most serious of these crises was the one she had to face that summer on work, marriage, dreams, and (that quintessentially Victorian preoccupation) when she had to confront the fact that the two people whom she was most pas getting fat. 48 sionately attracted to were in the process of revealing their own "elective affini Emerson's concern, later expressed to Fuller on the eve of Ward's marriage, ties," not for her, but for each other. The two had first gotten acquainted after about the union's "consequences to the history of his genius" would seem to Anna, who was four years Sam's senior, having finally arrived in England in the have been confirmed by Ward's later history. Fuller's near-panic over its per- summer of 1837, had traveled with the Farrars to Switzerland to meet Sam, who sonal consequences for her was not delayed so long. The first thing that had to had been touring the continent. They were together for two months, and he soon go was the passion. The surviving fragments of Ward's letters to her in these fell in love with her. That love was renewed when they spent several months months (which Fuller copied into a journal) show why. Although in them he affirmed his desire for "the gush of mingling souls" and "the fiery action of mind together during his trip in the winter of early 1839 to New Orleans and Anna on mind," he also denounced his past wish "to cast myself into the arms of some came home ("most unexpectedly" he would tell his father) from Europe, He other nature" as "womanish," lamented he was "not yet a man," confessed his then revealed to her and a little later to his parents that he wanted to marry her, "mind seeks shelter in silence," and, above all, declared (consistently, he said, page 6 of6 396 Notes to Pages 276-282 Notes to Pages 283-294 sive"); to CS, Oct. 7, 1839, FL, II, 94 ("say yes"); [June 28? 1839], ibid., 79 ("intimate"); Fuller was quite familiar-see Ursula Vogel, "Humboldt and the Romantics: Ne [1840?], ibid., 107 ("'Eros'')'). Smith-Rosenberg, "Female World of Love and Ritual," is Hausfrau nor Citoyenne-the Idea of Self-Reliant Femininity in German Romantici: the classic study of homosocial passion in the lives of nineteenth-century middle-class in Ellen Kennedy and Susan Mendus, eds., Women in Western Political Philos American women. (Brighton, England, 1987), 115-17. 38. To Thomas W. Ward, Dec. 2, 1843, Ward Papers, MHi ("literary man"). The best 48. [Oct. 1842], "FJ42-2," 287 ("elective affinities"); Mar. 4, 1839, Ward Papers, picture of Ward is provided in his letters, collections of which are in the Ward Papers at ("unexpectedly"); SGW to Thomas W. Ward, May 1, 1840, ibid. ("affection"); May MH and MHi, and the Ward-Perkins Papers at CU-SB. Ward's Ward Family Papers con- 1847, FMW, X, 38 ("every other word"); Dec. 2, 1843, Ward Papers, MHi ("tastes' tains valuable reminiscences. David Baldwin, "Puritan Aristocrat in the Age of Emerson: CS, ca. Feb.? 1845, EL, III, 279 ("chateaux"); manuscript, n.d., quoted in Bald A Study of Samuel Gray Ward" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1961), is a useful "Emerson-Ward Friendship," 308 ("jour de fete"). For a sober account of the Bar biographical study. Also informative are idem, "The Emerson-Ward Friendship: Ideals Ward courtship, quite unfriendly to Fuller, see Tilton, "True Romance." and Realities," in SAR, 1984; and Eleanor M. Tilton, "The True Romance of Anna Haz- 49. Aug. 29, 1840, EL, II, 327 ("his genius"); [ca. Fall 1839], FMW, Box A ("w ard Barker and Samuel Gray Ward," in SAR, 1987, 53-72. anish"); May 1, 1840, Ward Papers, MHi ("boy"); to RWE, Nov. 1841, FL, II, 39. WEC2 quoted in MF, "Memoranda," Jan. 13, [1837], FMW, Box 3 ("ridicule"); ("son"). [ca. Apr. 1847], FMW, X, 38 ("subdue others"). Some of Ward's reflections were copied 50. Quoted in July [5], 1844, "FJ44-1," 77 ("Platonic affection"). by Fuller into her journal, [ca. Fall 1839], FMW, Box A. 51. [Ca. Winter 1839-1840], "FS," 164 ("W's choice); [ca. Fall 1839], FMW, Bc 40. To James Elliot Cabot, Aug. 11, 1882, CU-SB ("literary insight"); to RWE, [Apr. ("son of the Gods"); Aug. 21, 1842, FL, III, 88-90 ("broker's shop"). 25], 1840, FL, II, 133 ("bliss"); Feb. [21?], 1839, ibid., 49 ("Raphael"). 52. [Oct. 30], 1842, "FJ42-2," 290 ("Sam was away"). 41. FL, II, 80-81 ("not distrust you"). 53. Oct. 7, 1839, FL, II, 93 ("intoxicated"). 42. First days of Sept. 1839, FL, II, 90-91 ("love me no more"). 54. Oct. 15, 1839, FL, II, 95-96 ("understood perfectly"). 43. To MF, Feb. 4, 1845, FMW, XVII, 17 ("another George Davis"). 55. Ibid., 96 ("tranquil"). 44. To JFC, Dec. 6, 1840, "CLS" ("trust all"); Dec. 22, 1839, EL, II, 244 ("natural 56. [Ca. Winter 1839-1840], "FS," 173 ("man's ambition"); Mar. 23, 1840, "O queen"). Anna Barker's papers are in the Ward Papers at MH and MHi, and the Ward- 497 ("Poor Mignon!"); [ca. Fall 1839], FMW, Box A ("skinny finger"); [ca. Fall 18 Perkins Papers at CU-SB. Baldwin, "Puritan Aristocrat," and Tilton, "True Romance," "FS," 149 ("male eye"). provide useful sketches of Barker. For Jacob Barker, see his Incidents in the Life of Jacob 57. [Ca. Fall 1839], FMW, Box A ("bee"); quoted in ibid. ("repose"); [ca. Fall 18 Barker, of New Orleans, Louisiana (Washington, D.C., 1855). FMW, Box A ("woman of genius"). 45. HO, 36 ("model"); Apr. 28, 1835, FP ("love her"); "To the Same/ In answer to the 58. [Ca. Fall 1839], OC, 120 ("no home"); Jan. 1, 1840, FP ("friends again"); ON letter of January 6th, 1836," [ca. Jan. 1836], OC, 145 ("fancy's love"); OM, II, 8 ("fill 98-99 ("past relations"). her"). 59. ABA, "Diary for 1839 from July to December," Aug. 26, 1839, 175, Alcott Pap 46. MF to JFC, Jan. 1, 1840, FP ("my Anna"); [Oct. 1842], "FJ42-2," 286-87 ("Reca- MH ("Conversations"); Dec. 9, 1838, FL, I, 354-55 ("education of women"). mier"). 60. For the antebellum female seminary movement, see the works cited in chap 47. [Aug.] 6, 1844, "FJ44-1," 110 ("repulsive"); J. Christopher Herold, Mistress to an note 1. Good treatments of early nineteenth-century women's education may be fou Age: A Life of Madame de Staël (Indianapolis, 1958), 288 ("awe-inspiring"); [ca. Fall in Cott, Bonds of Womanhood, chap. 3; Kerber, Women of the Republic, chap. 7; S 1839], FMW, Box A ("masculine traits"); [June 27], 1844, "FJ44-1," 64 ("male"). An mon, In the Company of Educated Women, chaps. 1-3; Sklar, Catharine Beecher; A1 indication that at least part of Fuller's expressions of homosocial passion were considered Firor Scott, "What, Then, Is the American: This New Woman?" Journal of Ameri innocent and culturally acceptable is the fact that Emerson, Channing, and Clarke-who History, 65 (December 1978), 679-703; and idem, "The Ever Widening Circle: The I otherwise in her Memoirs suppress any hint of sexual boldness on Fuller's part-printed fusion of Feminist Values from the Troy Female Seminary, 1822-1872," History of E this journal passage, only censoring Barker's name and toning down the language a little. cation Quarterly, 19 (Spring 1979), 3-27. OM, I, 283-84. Smith-Rosenberg, "Female World of Love and Ritual," is excellent on 61. For a discussion of the social and ideological character of Fuller's Conversat the semi-erotic dimension of late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century female friendship classes, see my "Margaret Fuller as Cultural Reformer: The Conversations in Bosto literature. See also Nancy F. Cott, "Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual American Quarterly, 39 (Winter 1987), 509-28. Ideology, 1790-1850," Signs: Women in Culture and Society, 4 (Winter 1978), 219-36, 62. Harriet Martineau's Autobiography, II, 71 ("gorgeous"). Higginson (HO, 121- But for a cogent revisionist interpretation that emphasizes the passionate, companionate demolished Martineau's myth, but it continues to crop up. See, for example, Mas character of nineteenth-century middle-class American women's private heterosexual Wade, Margaret Fuller: Whetstone of Genius (New York, 1940), 74-75. expressions, see Karen Lystra, Searching the Heart: Women, Men, and Romantic Love in 63. EJ, V, 175 ("wonderful"); to JFC, Nov. 17, 1839, "CLS" ("infidel association' Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1989). Lillian Faderman, Surpassing the Love 64. See, for the Grimkés' tours, Gerda Lerner, The Grimké Sisters from South Ca of Men: Romantic Friendship and Love Between Women from the Renaissance to the lina: Pioneers for Woman's Rights and Abolition (1967; New York, 1971), 146-204, 22 Present (New York, 1980), is a valuable survey of female homosexual and homosocial 28; for Wright's lectures, Celia Morris Eckhardt, Fanny Wright: Rebel in America (Ca themes in modern Western literature. For a good, brief discussion of heterosexual role bridge, Mass., 1984), 171-224; for Bacon's meetings, Vivian C. Hopkins, Prodigal P reversals in Friedrich Schlegel's novel Lucinde-II key German Romantic text with which fan: A Life of Delia Bacon (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), 49-57, 66-70; and for Peabod Caleb Craine crican Sympathy. Yale, 2001. PS-Sof6 I82 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans entireness not possible to any but a woman, with a depth possible to few 183 women." And she demanded that womanly depth in reply - from men as well people. The letters Emerson wrote to Barker, Sturgis, and Ward were unlike as women When the young Samuel Gray Ward pulled away from Fuller, she those he wrote to anyone else. For a hermit, Emerson could gush with senti- "as wrote him that she would excuse his loss of love by bearing in mind that she ment. Although he never altogether let his guard down with Fuller herself, you have said 'call up the woman in you.'" Ward could not handle this Emerson relaxed with his new young friends, perhaps because they were so evocation of his female spirit. Not all men could love as well as Fuller young that they were not socially his peers. In 1840, when these friendships discovered, to her chagrin. "Few male natures can long endure women, a nature climaxed, Sturgis was twenty-one, Ward twenty-three, and Barker twenty- pure, as open, as trusting, above all, as overflowing as J[ane]'s," she once as seven. That year Emerson himself was thirty-seven and Fuller turned thirty. had counseled a female disciple, alluding to a frustration another of her disciples At the peak of these sentimental liaisons, Emerson himself marveled at the recently experienced. "They [i.e., men] want folds to penetrate, dragons to change in his emotional habits. He wrote about his new friends with tentative feminine slay, pepper to the cream tart." Fuller saw Emerson as more capacious of pride to Carlyle: "I have been drawing nearer to a few men & women whose response than most men; in 1842 she wrote of his "sweet girlish- a love gives me in these days more happiness than I can write of." With his near ness," which came and went and which she wished to see more of. And Emer- sister-in-law Elizabeth Hoar, he was exuberant: "Have I been always a hermit, for son recognized the erotic, even homoerotic, strain in Fuller's aggressive search and unable to approach my fellow men, & do the Social Divinities suddenly intimacy, which he admitted he could not satisfy. The tone of her yearning offer me a roomfull of friends? Please God, I will not be wanting to my fortune struck him as at once unspeakably carnal and indescribably pure. When he but will eat this pomegranate." (In his essay "Of Friendship," Francis Bacon touched on the matter in his memoir of Fuller, he wrote that Fuller's "friend- likens the fruit of friendship to "the pomegranate, full of many kernels.") In ships, as a girl with girls, as a woman with women, were not unmingled with his portion of the Memoir of Margaret Fuller Ossoli, Emerson explained that have passion, and had passages of romantic sacrifice and of ecstatic fusion, which I he and the other editors had considered giving the memoir the title "Margaret heard with the ear, but could not trust my profane pen to report."1 and her Friends," so inextricable was Fuller's life from the lives she surrounded late 1830s. He wrote in his journal on 6 May 1837, "Sad is this continual the Despite his fears and limitations, Emerson was ripe for an experiment in herself with. He advised the reader that "the narrative, like a Greek tragedy, should suppose the chorus always on the stage, sympathizing and sympa- postponement of life. I refuse sympathy & intimacy with people as if in view of thized with by the queen of the scene." Between the years 1837 and 1841, the some better sympathy & intimacy to come. But whence & when?" To the same supposition should perhaps be applied to any discussion of Emerson. question If not now, when? Emerson had no good answer, and so he lowered Emerson resisted socialization, but Fuller set upon him optimistically. On his barriers and let Fuller go to work. She arranged for her choicest friends 21 September 1836, she directed a letter to Emerson with the salutation "My meet the Concord sage. The Boston bluestocking and poet Caroline Sturgis to dear friend," explaining that "I may venture to begin SO since you have sub- visited the Emersons in June 1838, where, Emerson wrote, "twice she engaged scribed yourself my friend." A year later, however, she had come to a better my cold pedantic self into a fine surprise of thought & hope." On 3 July 1839, appreciation of her subject's intractability. On I4 August 1837, a somewhat Emerson accompanied Fuller to an exhibition of Washington Allston's paint- dejected Fuller declined to offer any excuses for not having written sooner. "I ings in Boston, where he met Samuel Gray Ward, the art-loving scion of have not wished to write," she told Emerson. "For I have been in an irreligious prominent banking family. Emerson met Anna Hazard Barker, a socialite from a state of mind, a little misanthropic & sceptical about the existence of any where New York by way of New Orleans, on 4 October 1839 at Jamaica Plain, real communication between human beings. I bear constantly in heart that Barker had come to visit Fuller! described Barker to his aunt as "a text of yours 'O my friends, there are no friends' but to me it is a paralyzing he vision of grace & beauty," and she inspired him to write in his diary a sentence conviction. "19 recycled in his essay "Friendship": "A new person is to me ever a great In one of his commonplace books, under the heading "Friendship," Emer- event." son recorded several such grim entries. One Spanish proverb claimed, much Barker, Sturgis, and Ward were Fuller's friends long before they were Emer- like Robert Frost's neighbor in "Mending Wall," that "A wall between both, he son's. Fuller made him the gift of a posy of intelligent, attractive people. As best preserves friendship." Emerson also transcribed "Ne cor edito," Pythag- joked to Fuller, "For a hermit I begin to think I know several very fine orean apothegm he had found in an essay by Francis Bacon, who glossed it thus: "Eat not the heart Those that want friends to open themselves unto pq-2of6 198 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 199 task, Fuller decided, was to "make all this false true." According to Fuller's Barker was raised in New York City, although her family relocated to New Plato, a soul could not return to the ideal until it had been fully real, and that Orleans in 1834, when she was twenty-one. Adopting a genteel southern experience included the madness of love. Emerson's premature turn to the custom, Jacob Barker sent the family women north during the summers, away general was a hesitation "to act under these limitations of time and space, and from the heat and the danger of plague, to stay with relatives in Philadelphia, human nature," to use Fuller's words. It was a resistance to being Waldo New York City, Newport, and Cambridge. Barker was staying with her cousin Emerson. Eliza Rotch Farrar, a sophisticated Quaker who had written a popular book of In 1842, while Fuller was visiting Concord, she and Emerson fell into one of etiquette for young women, when she first met Fuller, who was Farrar's Cam- their debates "on Man and Woman, and Marriage," which by then had be- bridge neighbor and confidante. Fuller mentioned Barker in her correspon- come habitual. "W[aldo] took his usual ground," Fuller wrote. "Love is only dence as early as 1834. By all accounts, Barker was a graceful woman, at ease phenomenal." She reported that Emerson ended his side of the argument by with her femininity. It would have been easy for someone like Fuller to react to stating, rather snidely, that a woman might claim she wanted "to further the Barker's poise and beauty with envy, but she didn't. Instead, she fell in love. genius of her husband but her conduct will always be to claim a devotion Writing about the two women years later, William Henry Channing thought it day by day that will be injurious to him, if he yields." By 1842, Fuller and was as though Fuller had wanted to merge with her young friend - as if Fuller Emerson had already harrowed hell in pursuit of a resolution to this disagree- were one of Aristophanes' split people and had recognized in Barker her com- ment, and she no longer tried to answer him. "I made no reply, for it is not plement. "Margaret seemed to long, as it were, to transfuse with her force this worthwhile to, in such cases, by words." Only practice could show up her nymph-like form, and to fill her to glowing with her own lyric fire," Channing friend's pessimism.59 wrote. "She sought by genial sympathy thus to live in another's experience." But in 839 both Emerson and Fuller were still hopeful for a more amicable Between 1835 and 1837, Fuller wrote more than half a dozen poems about her result. One optimistic sign was the enthusiasm with which Emerson read feelings for Barker.61 Elizabeth Brentano von Arnim's Goethe's Correspondence with a Child in In "To A.H.B.," which Fuller composed in 1836, Barker boards the ship that July. Posing as a Lolita-like ingenue with the nickname Bettina, von Arnim has brought Fuller back to Boston, in order to greet Fuller on her return from a presented a series of fictional letters as authentic- as if they were a sentimen- holiday in New York State. That holiday in 1835 soon turned out to have been tal, heterosexual complement to the conversations between Goethe and Ecker- il brief respite of pleasure in Fuller's life, because the death of Fuller's father a mann. The book told the story of a sexually charged but apparently uncon- couple of months later plunged her and her immediate family into poverty. summated romance between Goethe and Bettina, and its plot-elder sage When the two young women embrace on deck, as yet ignorant of this tragedy versus winsome, erotic set the tone for the friendships to come between but "full of fears / For future days," Fuller daydreams of launching the ship Emerson and Fuller's circle of youths. Emerson wrote of von Arnim that "it back out to sea, of whisking Barker away to "some isle far from the haunts of seems to me she is the only formidable test that was applied to Goethe's men," where she would be spared "treachery's pestilence, and passion's strife.' genius." It was a test that Goethe did not seem to have passed. Goethe's But then Fuller thinks better of her impulse to flee, because it would be wrong response to Bettina was timorous. It showed he was "too discreet and cow- 10 deprive Barker of the chance to struggle with the world herself. "For thee as ardly to be great," Emerson noted. Emerson aspired to be equal to any Bettina me," Fuller concludes, "fire the gold should test." The tests Barker faced would who challenged him, but he was far from sure of himself. Twice that year he never be as severe as those that confronted Fuller, but something in Fuller expressed his worry in his journal: "How can I hope for a friend to me who reached out to the young beauty in a tender wish to protect her. 6 have never been one?"6 Another poem describes Barker nursing Fuller through a fever. She appeared almost as an angel in Fuller's dreams, prompting Fuller to observe in he During 1839 and 1840, even as Fuller bestowed her friends on Emerson, she journal that "as I have masculine traits, I am naturally often relieved by th herself was losing her hold on them. Like Emily Dickinson, whose beloved women in my imaginary distresses." Looking back in 842, Fuller admitte brother, Austin, married her best friend, Susan Gilbert, Fuller had the bad luck that "Hoved Anna for a time I think with as much passion as I was then strong of losing two loves at once, to each other, enough to feel." Fuller often compared her love for Anna with Madame de I The first of Fuller's loves was Anna Hazard Barker. A beautiful socialite, Stael's love for Madame de Récamier, and made no secret of the comparison page 3 of 6 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 201 feel when we are angels." She stipulated carefully that her passion was "purely intellectual and spiritual, unprofaned by any mixture of lower instincts," but its il reader of Plato, she felt that the mystery of her attraction to Anna had the same solution as the question "Why did Socrates love Alcibiades?"63 The second of Fuller's two loves was Samuel Gray Ward Like Barker, Ward 2 SGW was from a wealthy family, who, in his case, hoped he would follow his father into banking. Eventually he did, but when Fuller met him, in July 1835, Ward was in college and "looked upon myself as a student and literary man," as he later explained to his father. They met on the same New York trip to Trenton Falls that figures in Fuller's "To A.H.B." Fuller's impression of Ward at the time was not favorable. "Did not like him much," she wrote in her journal. But a few months before her death, she wrote Ward from Italy that she looked back on their vacation upstate as "the last period of tranquillity in my life." Ward contributed poems to The Dial, and during an 1836-38 trip to Europe a trip which Fuller was invited to share but which her father's death prevented - Ward collected reproductions of famous paintings and sculptures and found himself gravitating to the fine arts. Today his name is engraved in marble in the loyer of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which he helped to found, years after he left Transcendentalism for the world of finance. 64 In the Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli, Emerson wrote that Ward was Fuller's "companion, and, though much younger, her guide in the study of ant. Emerson explained, as delicately as he could, that Fuller's art-historical interest in Ward was accompanied by a romantic one. The affinities they shared, "though sincere, were only veils and occasions to beguile the time, so profound was her interest in the character and fortunes of her friend." Fuller's correspondence is more blunt and revealing. A letter she wrote to Ward on 10 April 1836 compares the undulations of a pool of water to "the heaving of the bosom," in highly sensuous prose. "Oh! what wild work makes a female pen," Fuller flirtatiously exclaimed. In February 1839, Fuller thanked Sturgis for a hand-decorated box and asked her to make another with a pale blue lining, to "hold all I have had and shall have from my friend Raphael; Letters verses sketches all. I will keep it devoted to him while I live." "Raphael" was the cognomen Ward had earned, for the interest he took in that artist. Unfor- muntaly, by the time summer came, in July 1839, Fuller was reproaching Raphael-Ward for keeping her at a distance. "If you love me as I deserve to be loved, you cannot dispense with seeing me." From the start, age and social status had placed them in two different circles. "Nothing but love bound us together," she explained, "and it must not be my love alone that binds us. "65 As Ward drifted away from Fuller, Emerson took him up. In July, the same month that Fuller complained of Ward's neglect, Emerson met Ward for the page 40F6 202 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 20 first time, during a group visit to Washington Allston's Boston gallery. Ward Although he desired "the gush of mingling souls" as fervently as any Roman- invited Emerson to come back 10 Boston soon, to see the casts that Horatio 111, he feared that any wish of his "to cast myself into the arms of some other Greenough had made of Michelangelo's Day and Night. Emerson could not nature" was "womanish." By manhood, Ward meant in part the respectable accept Ward's invitation until November, but in August the two ran into each banking career that his father wanted for him. Fuller accepted this excuse, as if by chance while hiking in the White Mountains. That autumn, they began to 11 were only natural that she should be associated in his mind with rebellion correspond regularly 66 from a correctly gendered future. "I will bear in mind that my presence is like At the end of July, Emerson received a poem from Henry David Thoreau to recal all you have need to forget and will try to believe that you would not that struck a chord. Titled "Sympathy," the poem described Thoreau's infatua be with me lest I 'spoil you for your part on life's dull scene," or as you have tion with eleven-year-old Edmund Sewall. "I might have loved him had I loved wind 'call up the woman in you." Ward seems, however, to have been telling him less," Thoreau wrote. The boy's beauty had caused Thoreau pain and left Fuller only a partial truth. Soon, with a flood of emotions, the full truth about him lonely, and Thoreau laid the blame for this on his own inability to achieve his affections emerged. a Phaedrus-like vision of the principle shining through Sewall's good looks. "If In early October 1839, Anna Barker came to stay with Fuller at her home in I but love that virtue which he is," Thoreau concluded, skipping over Plato's Jamaica Plain, outside Boston. In "the very first days of Anna," to adopt the fascination with male bodies to Plato's transcendence of them, "Still shall we regual chronology used by Fuller, the two women renewed their romance. be truest acquaintances." In Emerson's opinion, Thoreau's poem was "the Fuller was "so intoxicated" and "so uplifted by that eldest and divinest love" purest strain & the loftiest, I think, that has yet pealed from this unpoetic that her health was overwhelmed, and she took to bed. There she wrote to American forest."67 Caroline Sturgis, whose rebuffs had recently wounded her. In her bliss, Fuller On the page immediately following this acclamation of Thoreau, Emerson HOW forgave Sturgis, but she hinted that Barker's return demoted Sturgis to an wrote a short monologue warning off a young would-be friend. "I have no understudy-mu in the way that Mifflin had demoted Gibson when Norris right of nomination in the choice of my friends," Emerson wrote sternly. "Sir, 1 returned from Europe. should be happy to oblige you, but my friends must elect themselves." Emer On Friday, October 4, Emerson went to Jamaica Plain, where for the first son was accustomed to resolving his erotic attractions by means of Platonic I time he met the woman he had been calling "the beautiful Anna" for years, abnegation, as Thoreau had in "Sympathy." The experiment of weaving these During his two-day visit, Emerson was charmed to share "the frank & gen- attractions into friendships made him uneasy. At first Emerson seems to have crous confidence of a being so lovely, so fortunate, & SO remote from my own resisted Ward, but this resistance was not rejection. In a September 24 journal experiences." In his journal, he paid Barker the high compliment of calling her entry, Emerson took issue with Fuller for misunderstanding his slowness. 'If "it unit & whole." Although the bias of her nature was "not thought but you do not like my friend at first sight you will never like him.' Indeed! I had emotion or sympathy," Emerson found, to his puzzlement, that she "does not not thought so. I did not, I remember, like you at first sight, yet we manage to distance me as I believe all others of that cast of character do." In Emerson's converse now without disgust." Emerson found Ward attractive, but he had essay "Manners," Barker became a "Persian Lilla" who acted as "a solvent reservations. "Who is rich, who is fashionable, who is high bred, has great powerful to reconcile all heterogeneous persons into one society."71 hindrances to success" if he hopes to befriend me, Emerson wrote. Ward In fact, Barker's erotic power divided rather than united this small society of would have to prove himself. "Whom have I rejected? whom have I not ad- Transcendentalists. On October I5, Fuller wrote to Ward that at last she knew mired?" Emerson wrote to Fuller when she accused him of a sour unwilling- the truth. Ward and Barker, the two children of wealth and privilege, had ness to open his heart. "The utmost of my offence is the sluggishness of my tallen in love. They had been in love since the autumn of 1837, since the perceptions."6 European tour Fuller had not been able to afford. In Switzerland they had Meanwhile, Fuller was losing patience with the polite stratagems by which spent two months admiring the mountain landscapes together. When Ward Ward kept her at bay. "You love me no more," she wrote him in September. bought a Saint Bernard, Barker named it Alp. Between December 1838 and She remembered with anguish that in earlier days, "how did you pray me to March 1839, Ward had visited Barker again, in New Orleans. As Ward wrote draw near to you!" Ward put her off a little longer, explaining that he was "not 10 his father on 4 March 1839, he did not then become engaged, but he had no yet a man" and that intimacy with her felt threatening to his fragile manhood. doubt that his father "should find in her all that you could desire or wish for in 5 of 6 204 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 205 your daughter and your son's wife." During Barker's return to Massachusett Men. women should not marry, because marriage made permanent a set of in October 1839-t the same visit that "so intoxicated" Fuller-the couple had habits that crippled male sensibility and undermined female strength. feelings for each other deepened, although as Ward was careful to observe #1 elibacy," she wrote, is "the great fact of the time. It is one from which no his father, "My relation to Miss Anna Barker has not changed" - that is, the vow. no arrangement, can at present save a thinking mind."74 was still no formal engagement. Nonetheless, someone, probably Bark For a time, in Fuller's circle celibacy prevailed. Ward and Barker had given thought it was time to disillusion Fuller. "I understand all perfectly," Full Fuller and Emerson a bad scare, but there was as yet no proposal of marriage. wrote to Ward on October I5 in a spirit of resignation. She reproached Ward An Ward himself later recalled, "There was very little probability of such a for underestimating her; he should have told her sooner; she wished only jonnexion unless my plans of a scholar's life gave place to some lucrative further his happiness. "Do you not feel how I should grieve to be the ghost to profession." And Ward was not ready to give up his literary and artistic ambi- cross the path of true communion in the Elysian grove[?] Live without Nons. On 2I October 1839, Emerson wrote in his journal that Fuller had now. "72 privately told him "a chronicle of sweet romance, of love & nobleness which In her journal, Fuller was not so accepting. "The son of the Gods has sold hi have inspired the beautiful & brave." Two pages later, Emerson reconsidered birthright," she wrote. "He has received therefor one, not merely the faires Puller's version of their story, somewhat more ambivalently. heard with joy but the sweetest and holiest of earth's daughters. Yet it is not a fit exchange, that which thou toldest me o eloquent lady, of thy friends & mine, yet with Fuller may have been suffering from jealousy and heartache, but her com my joy mingled a shade of discontent. Things must not be too fine. Parian ments reflect an accurate understanding of the practical compromises that marble will not stand exposure to our New England weather. I dare not union of Ward and Barker would demand. If they married, Ward and Barker believe that a mood so delicate can be relied on like a principle for the wear & would no longer be able to depend on their parents for financial support tea of years." If Fuller had told Emerson the simple story of Barker and they wanted to live the way they were both accustomed to living, they would Ward's courtship, he would perhaps have been disappointed by Ward's defec- have to give up the intellectual life. Ward would be expected to take up lion 10 money-making if Ward had defected (he hadn't yet), but there would traditional career in order to earn enough money to satisfy Barker's expensiv have been no occasion for him to doubt that a relationship between these two tastes. For her part, Barker would cultivate those tastes instead of learning to wealthy, gifted, and lovestruck people would endure. It is more likely that think or fend for herself. Marriage would stunt the development of both the Fuller told Emerson that Barker and Ward had exchanged vows of love but man and the woman. decided to forgo their enjoyment of each other in order to pursue more lofty In Woman in the Nineteenth Century, Fuller elaborated her disappointment goals. This more complicated story would have both elated Emerson and with Ward and Barker into a feminist critique, writing, "Now there is no caused him to wonder if it could last. woman, only an overgrown child." Since marriage was often to blame, Fuller Emerson was right to be skeptical of what Fuller told him. Fuller seems 11 found herself in that book telling stories against marriage as commonly under have projected her own wishes and concerns onto the Barker-Ward relation stood: of an Indian maiden who became betrothed to the sun, of a German ship. News of the romance set Fuller weighing the pros and cons of her OWI man and woman who fulfilled their love by joining a monastery and a convent, romantic state: on the one hand, "No one loves me," but on the other, "I have of lovers who resided on different continents. Paraphrasing a "wise contempo notetter on as she wrote in her journal. Perhaps to console herself, Fulle rary," Fuller wrote that "union is only possible to those who are units." The began to formulate the idea that reached its fullest expression in Woman in th wise contemporary was almost certainly Emerson, who wrote in "Friendship" Nineteenth Century, that marriage as it was then practiced impeded persona that "there must be very two, before there can be very one." In Fuller's hands, fulfillment. In her journal in the fall of 1839, she speculated that great spirit Emerson's eschewal of too much intimacy with other men became an argu- could never marry, because either marriage would shackle the spirit, or great ment against heterosexual marriage. Emerson's hierotomy had preserved both news would throw off the bridle of marriage as it would any other constrictin his arousal and his innocence with men; it was the impetus, the always post sham. "Social wedlock," she wrote, "is ordinarily mere subterfuge and sin poned reward, and the condition of his literary work. In a fascinating twist, ulacrum: it could not check a powerful woman or a powerful man." Lonel Fuller adapted this hierotomy to feminist ends. If its effect in Emerson's think and let down, Fuller seems to have persuaded herself that these insights abou ing had been somewhat homophobic, its effect in Fuller's was heterophobic. marriage were as true for Ward and Barker IN they were for herself. page 6 of 206 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 207 With careful archival work, the scholar Eleanor Tilton has rectified most of held on to the sketches for two months. He wrote about them repeatedly in his Fuller's misconstructions and corrected the story and chronology that Fuller, journal, and in December, when he returned the portfolio to Ward, he summed out of wishful thinking, somewhat garbled in her poems and in her correspon- up his impressions in a six-page commentary. Emerson's comments are reveal- dence. As Tilton points out, somewhat harshly, Fuller got a number of the facts ing of the different desires that male and female beauty aroused in him. He wrong, for the simple reason that no one told them to her: they were none of described the female figures as beautiful in their inattention. They are "pen- her business. Fuller's misconstructions seem to have irritated Tilton, but I sive," "unconscious," "thinking of something else," and "stony inscrutable." would like to pay some attention to them here. Emerson's initial skepticism of He described male beauty, on the other hand, as natural power. The face of a Fuller soon gave way to complicity. Raphael angel "intimates authority impossible to dispute." Guido's Aurora Perhaps the key thing to understand is that Fuller (and later Emerson) took has "the most masculine force" with "no convulsion, no straining, no ado, no as permanent a state of affairs that Ward and Barker no doubt understood to foam, but flowing grace & ease." Michelangelo is "always colossal even in be a stopgap. The two lovers were in conflict: Barker wanted financial security, boys & cupids." And a Roman relief of Endymion displays "the beauty & and Ward wanted a life of the mind. In 1839 they thought they should not greatness of one to whom the senses suffice." marry until they could resolve this conflict. In 1840 they married anyway, and On 27 October, Emerson wrote to thank Ward for a second gift of Ellery they resolved their conflict by living it out. They tried both ways of life. After Channing's poetry. He liked the new batch better than the first better, appar- their marriage, Ward worked for three years in Boston as a broker, and then ently, than Ward himself liked them. "There was no progress" in Channing's the couple spent five years as Transcendental-Jeffersonian farmers in the Berk- verses, Ward objected when he and Emerson met in early November. 80 Emer- shires. When, in the end, Ward accepted the position his father had once held son also acknowledged that he liked Ward's attentions. "I am very happy in as the American representative of the British investment bank Baring Brothers, the new relations to which you invite me by your persevering kindness." A few it was not so much a compromise of his true self as a recognition that in his days later, Emerson at last went to the Boston Athenaeum to see the casts of half-decade of sketching and independent study he had not accomplished Michelangelo's Night and Day that Ward had recommended. He also saw much. As the banker he finally chose to become, Ward was an outstanding Ward. When Emerson reported the visit to Elizabeth Hoar, he bestowed on his success. If Barker and Ward gave each other up in 1839, they must have sensed new young friend a cognomen even more extravagant than the one Fuller had in their hearts that the surrender was temporary. Fuller, however, convinced given him: "I have also seen the Prince-of-the-Purple-Island himself at some herself otherwise. leisure & advantage not here but twice in Boston and we have got on farther It was against this background that Emerson's friendship with Ward bur- but not yet farthest." Emerson had earlier written to Ward that "there are geoned. After the two men met in July and August, Ward seems to have fewer painters than poets." But after an evening's and a morning's tutelage courted Emerson with a series of gifts. Early in the fall, he forwarded to from Ward in Boston, artists jumped to the top of Emerson's list of world Emerson the florid and ungrammatical poems of his friend Ellery Channing. geniuses. "I had told [Bronson] Alcott that my First Class stood for today Emerson responded on 3 October in measured tones. He gave the poems qual- perhaps thus; Phidias, Jesus, [Michel] Angelo, Shakspeare."81 ified praise, and he agreed-almost grudgingly - to meet the poet. Emerson Emerson's ranking of the arts was not the only prejudice of his that Ward spent 4 and 5 October with Ward's beloved, Barker. Then, on 8 October, was altering. Emerson's thoughts on friendship were also in flux. Back in June, Emerson received from Ward a "rich pacquet": Ward's portfolio of copy his opinion of friends was the doctrinal paradox he had laid out in "The sketches of paintings and sculpture by European masters, along with a com- Heart": "though I prize my friends I cannot afford to talk with them and study mentary by Fuller. What Emerson was glimpsing of Ward's world impressed their visions lest I lose my own." In October, however, when Emerson GON- him. "Two persons lately, very young children of the most high God," Emer- lided his thoughts on friendship to his journal, they were no longer so aloof. son wrote in his journal in mid-October 1839, "have admonished me by their Where before he had presented himself as waving his friends off, now he silent being. It seemed as if each answered to my heart's inquiry Whence is imagined himself pining for them. "What needs greater magnanimity than the your power? 'From my nonconformity.1" waiting for a friend; a lover, for years? A few days after his trip with Ward to Emerson had seen some of the images in Ward's portfolio a year before, the Athenaeum, Emerson was counseling himself, rather than his importunate when Fuller brought them to Concord. But in the autumn of 1839, Emerson friends, to observe a reticent silence, "Why dare you to intermeddle in SO M. H. S. MISCELLANY HIS Published LOTTER Massachusetts occasionally Historical by the Society 1791 1154 Boylston Street, Boston 15, Massachusetts No. 6 DECEMBER 1960 Come with Me to the Feast; or, Transcendentalism in Action T HE manuscript of the following record of a transcendental half-hour in a Boston office in 1839 was recently acquired by the Society. The partici- pants were Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907), who was sufficiently im- pressed by the experience to write a Tittle account of it soon afterward, and his Harvard classmate Jones Very (1813-1880), the principal subject of the account. Though they were both representative types of their time and place, it would be hard to imagine two men more different than Ward and Very, which is one of the reasons why their interview is memorable. Born at No. 3 Park Street across from Boston Common, Samuel G. Ward was the son of Thomas Wren Ward, American agent of Baring Brothers and treasurer of both Harvard College and the Boston Athenxum. His mother was Lydia Gray, of the great Salem and Bos- ton shipowning family. Sam was sent to Boston Latin School and then to the Round Hill School at Northampton, whence he entered Harvard. Upon gradu- ating in 1836 he spent two years in Europe, touring Italy with the Ticknors in their great berlin drawn by four horses and combing the galleries and print shops of half a dozen other countries. Returning in 1838, he entered his father's busi- ness and continued, though with intervals, for many years to preside over the Bar- ings' interests in the United States. It was he who managed the financing off the purchase by the United States of Alaska in 1867. In 1838 Ward had been introduced by Margaret Fuller to Emerson, and a friendship sprang up between them that was to be lifelong. "Ward has aristo- cratical position," Emerson wrote in his Journal in 1847, "and turns it to excellent account; the only aristocrat who does." As one of the founders of the Saturday 1 Club a decade later, Ward helped realize a dream that Emerson had cherished for Though the precise date of the interview between the mystic and the banker is years. The long, gemütlich Saturday afternoon sessions at the Parker House were not known, it very likely took place shortly before Emerson's edition of Very's Es- a far cry from the spiritual aims and atmosphere of the Transcendental Club fif- says and Poems was published in the summer of 1839. teen or twenty years earlier. One cannot imagine Jones Very at a meeting of the Saturday Club. He was the Samuel Gray Ward's Account of a Visit son of a ship captain in William Gray's Salem merchant fleet who died young and Private from Jones Very in 1839 impecunious. Very went to work early to support his mother and sisters, but he had literary talents and contrived to enter Harvard, where he made a distinguished Shortly before I left home my classmate Very came to see me. When we were in col- scholastic record. Appointed tutor in Greek, he enrolled in the Divinity School. A lege we had sate side by side for 3 years without any farther intercourse than that of the recitation room. He had been quite indifferent to me. I had regarded him as a labori- tall, gaunt figure with piercing eyes beneath a high, pale forehead, Very had been ous drudge. There was an ungracefulness about him-yet it was a solemn, not-to-be- contributing verse to Salem newspapers for years. His poems now grew more trifled-with awkwardness. He seemed to me to be intensely self conscious. After a-while rhapsodic and mystical in substance and tone, and early in 1838 Elizabeth Pea- I began to hear strange stories of him from others. At first that he considered himself body, a Salem neighbor and a member of the Transcendental Club, wrote enthusi- born for a great poet; to restore epic poetry. Then of unbridled passions overcome by astically to Emerson about the poems and their author. Eager to find an American monkish austerity and selfdenial. [But he was so given to women, crossed out] that he genius, Emerson was happy to meet Very, was fascinated by his saintly bearing had made himself a law not to speak (or look at women, I forget which). I never took and utterances, and hailed him as one of those who might fulfill, in the language much notice of them, nor thought of him-for I left College and went abroad-until of The American Scholar, "the postponed expectation of the world with something W[aldo] Emerson spoke of him. Apparently E. had brought him to remember me. better than the exertions of mechanical skill." When he came in I was in the middle of a letter. We shook hands and I gave him a Then one day in September, 1838, Very told his Greek class that they must seat. He was changed much in 3 years. His face had no longer the hard, thin, anxious "flee to the mountains, for the end of all things is at hand." Requested to leave look of old. His forehead was fuller-his whole face more smooth. It seemed as if he Harvard, he returned to Salem, announced that what he wrote was dictated by the had left off thinking since he had become so happy as he expressed himself to be. The Holy Ghost, publicly disputed with the settled ministers of Salem, and was per- expression of his features especially the eyes, was peculiarly sweet, and compassionate; but a constant nervous twitching checked his words. suaded by his family to enter the McLean Asylum. Just before this he had fur- He said "I hear little of what is going on-but you were brought to my mind by Mr. nished Emerson with a collection of his poems and essays. Emerson thought them E. speaking of you. You have travelled much in foreign countries, since I saw you." "noble," and declared: "Such a mind cannot be lost." What is more, he set to work Yes: And you too have not been idle from all I hear from my friends. You have done editing a selection from them that appeared in 1839 as Essays and Poems, which a good deal since we left college. contains most of the sonnets on nature and religion by which Very is remembered "I have: or rather perhaps, what I have done was but the appearance of the fruit that today. Very was released after a single month and paid a visit of several days to was maturing during those years I was there." Concord, "confounding us all," Emerson recorded, "whether he was insane. At He said the time is coming when the wheat must be separated from the husk-and first sight and speech, you would certainly pronounce him so. Talk with him a few I came to see where you were. The husk must be thrown aside as of no value-and I hours and you will think all insane but he"-a transcendentalist pronouncement come to bid you if you are ready to come to the feast where we are all assembled-and if there ever was one. waiting for you; and I am one:- But about the time the Essays and Poems came out, Emerson made a decision I replied-You speak of corn and husk. Now look into a cornfield-first you see the concerning Very. "Here is Simeon the Stylite, or John of Patmos," he wrote in his green shoot; that is beautiful and good: let it stay! Then you see coming out one by 0116 the leaves the blossom, the husk- green and flourishing-all a beauty and clothing Journal in June, 1839, "in the shape of Jones Very, religion for religion's sake, to the Earth. But the corn all this while is hidden. We are not anxious, because we religion divorced, detached from man, from the world, from science and art; grim, know that where the plant is strong and healthy, the corn within is sound. Now I said unmarried, insulated, accusing; yet true in itself, and speaking things in every I am not ready to throw the husks aside as long as they are beautiful and useful-and word. The lie is in the detachment; and when he is in the room with other persons, suit the time. speech stops as if there were a corpse in the apartment." In short, Very might be hear you-but I take no meaning from what you say. I hear your words, but they an inspired poet, but he was also a bore. Emerson was not going to give up the convey nothing to me." world of his friend Sam Ward for the spiritual exaltation-and isolation-of his friend Jones Very. How then shall hear you? How shall I know that what you tell me is right, more than what I tell you-how shall we know whom to believe? "Believe all." 3 But some men say what is not true-they deceive themselves. Papers), and endorsed "Jones Very during his aberration of mind." Written one can deceive himself." shortly after his release from McLean, it gives a remarkably detailed account of Then he drew his chair nearer to mine-and said--) came yesterday to see you twice at your house-and did not find you at home-and I took this for a sign that I was not Very's recent spiritual progress and current state, and calls upon Bellows as a to find you at your real home-and I do not. I come from the banquet where we are all minister of Christ to "beware lest you add to the number of those false prophets together. I do not wish to come, for myself. I am happy there-and it pains me to break who have already come, crying peace, peace when there is no peace This letter my repose and come into the world-but I feel that we cannot live for ourselves alone; is written that you may make it as public as possible." The second is a letter from and SO I do come to tell you how sweet the banquet is, and to beg you to come in to it: Richard Henry Dana, Jr., to William Cullen Bryant, Boston, May 21, 1840 (4 You are writing a letter-if you are ready, break it off in the middle and follow me. pages, Dana Papers), sending a copy of Very's Essays and Poems. The sonnets, I answered that I was not ready-that I had that letter to finish, and my life to live; says Dana, "will please you wonderfully. The thought is deeply spiritual; and and that when I was ready I would come. while there is a certain character of peculiarity which we so often find in like things Well- whenever the time comes you must come-i will be in vain for you to resist of our old writers, there is freedom from quaintness. You will be much struck with and I have come this morning and laid the axe at your door, and it can never be taken the collocation, simplicity and expressiveness of the language. Indeed, I know not away from there by any one. where you could turn away from yourself, and find any thing in this country to [It seemed to me that he came with an ill omen to the matter I was busy upon when compare with these Sonnets." As for Very himself, Dana continues, he he entered: which was one of no little import to me.] I said: we have gone along, and been near each other much, and yet met little-now is clearly insane, and has been SO for nearly two years. The other day he uttered you come to me-you have something to say-and we shall meet perhaps when you shall some deep truths, but in strange phraseology, and connected with much that could only find me more at home than now: be as a dream to himself. Yet, I am told that these sonnets have been written since he He said: that is the way with pilgrims. They go along together by the same way and fell into this condition He is quite intimate with Emerson and the other Spiritualists when one has any thing to tell the other to his advantage he goes and tells him-other- or Supernaturalists, or whatever they are called, or may be pleased to call themselves; wise each goes along his own way. and his insanity has taken that shape accordingly. I am told that some of them are ab- He invited me to visit him at his own house. "Dont make the mistake that the gentle- surd enough to say that he is not insane-but that the world does not understand him. man did who came to visit one of our city; and knowing him to be distinguished he Would their insanity were no worse than his; but "madness is in their hearts." looked at first in the best street, and among the best houses. But he did not find it, not even in the street. And he went into another poorer street, and did not find it there- L. H. BUTTERFIELD and at last, in a poor street in a poor house he found him. Now when you come to look for the 'rich man' do not commit this mistake. My friends receive me now: those who are glad of this news I bring them. But I am going to have soon a new mansion for Plus Ca Change, etc. myself." I--not understanding m-asked if he spoke of his temporal or spiritual house. But The Society takes pride in its service to scholarship. But as its collections-and he said it was all one. There was but one house. therefore its visitors-have increased over the years, such service became harder Then he shortly bade me good bye. to offer: our second-floor Reading Room was too small for the number of scholars frequenting it. [Added in a later hand:] As of this past October, this awkward situation was no more. Early in that The above has no date but was undoubtedly written by me in the year 1839. month, the Reading Room had new-and exceptionally handsome-quarters on Saml G Ward the building's first floor. The contents of one and a half tiny rooms now occupy May 25. '96 three, among them the largest in the entire edifice. A brisk autumn assures us they will be warm in winter; air conditioners promise cool research in summer; and Among other manuscripts by and relating to Jones Very owned by the Society dark fall afternoons prove their lighting effective. Seating and table space are al- and evidently not hitherto used in studies of his life and writings are two that are most trebled, while new low bookcases provide working tools within easy reach. of special interest but too long to include in this MISCELLANY. The first is a letter On the walls are hung some of our finest large portraits. About the only constant from Very to the Reverend Henry Whitney Bellows, an acquaintance of Very's at item in the new quarters is the service: it remains prompt, courteous, and reas- the Harvard Divinity School, dated Salem, December 29, 1838 (4 pages, Bellows suring. 4 5 4/25/2017 EMERSON'S PROTÉGÉS: MENTORING AND MARKETING by David Dowling, Reviewed by Andrew McMurry must Review 19 James Heffernan www.nbol-19.org Founding Editor ASSESSING NEW BOOKS ON ENGLISH AND AMERICAN LITERATURE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Home Index Editorial Books Announced Authors' Responses Guidelines For Reviewers About Us Masthead Feedback EMERSON'S PROTÉGÉS: MENTORING AND MARKETING Subscribe to By David Dowling (Yale, 2014) 352 pp. RSS feed Reviewed by Andrew McMurry on 2016-12-12. Emerson's Search NBOL- Proteges Click here for a PDF version. 19.org Manuary sensive Loading Click here to buy the book on Amazon. BOOKMARK 00 David Dowling aims to give us here "a deeper explanation of the professional fates of those in whom Emerson invested generous time, energy, creativity, and capital for their literary success" (4). At the same time, by working through the effects of Emerson's mentoring on these varied figures, Dowling aims to construct an "aggregate portrait of his signature method and style of patronage, which has received little critical attention" (5). Indeed, we learn much about Emerson's pedagogy and theory of influence: whom he selected to mentor and why; what sorts of genius he found in actually existing humans; how he struggled with the question-begging prospect of actually teaching self-reliance, creative autonomy, and obedience to method; and how he met the challenge faced by all mentors: separating personal feelings and allegiances from professional judgement and responsibility. In an assured and knowing style, Dowling often furnishes what feels like a window on the innermost sanctums of the Emersonian circle. On Henry David Thoreau: "It is testament to Emerson's conscientious mentorship and patronage that he was constantly supplying his pupil with the tools of his own independence, from his initial funding of his study of British poetry to providing him with the real estate for his cabin at Walden" (89-90). On Margaret Fuller: "What perhaps pays homage most to Emerson's successful mentorship was that she passed on precisely the kinds of courage he taught to her" (68). On Christopher Cranch: "Emerson's intervention would rid Cranch of his passive theological calling, encouraging him instead to consider vocation a conscious choice to be mediated by and implemented in a real market with a discerning and paying audience" (130-31). If there is any defect in Dowling's prose it is his occasional lapse into a fan-clubby ventriloquism that channels a nineteenth- century discourse of genius: "Emerson now turned toward cultivating Thoreau's creative mind, which vibrated through these roots to the bottomlessness of the human soul, the infinitude of the sky and universe beyond, and the sheer power of immortality" (75). A key point--the role of the market in conferring and confirming success as a creator--is given especial weight in Dowling's study of Samuel Gray Ward. In many ways, Ward was Emerson's ideal pupil: though not as personally close to Emerson as Fuller or Thoreau, he stood out from the other protégés-- Cranch, Charles King Newcomb, Jones Very, and William Ellery Channing--by proving most adept at balancing his art and his life. While Emerson appreciated and promoted his work, Ward married well, succeeded as a banker, and, most important, pursued his aesthetic and spiritual ventures without making continuing demands on Emerson for patronage. More than any of the other mentees, Ward did not need Emerson. In that respect, Dowling observes, "he was in Emerson's eyes a master at life and a finished man" (167). In citing these examples of Emerson's effectiveness in mentoring, I may have given the impression that Dowling chiefly highlights his protégés. But this book is ultimately about Emerson's development as mentor, confederate, and instigator. If you want to learn more about lesser known figures in his orbit such as Very, Ward, and Newcomb, you will be disappointed. This book surveys their lives mostly to show how they impinge on Emerson and reveal his capacities as the pater familias of Transcendentalism. Very is a good example. Dowling charts his astonishing rise and even more astonishing departure from the Transcendental circle only insofar as they reveal Emerson's nuanced and sympathetic cultivation of the (likely) bipolar young poet. But that is as it should be; there is no need for Dowling to retell the lives of Thoreau or Fuller or even Cranch. He aims instead to show how their aspirations as writers and thinkers dovetailed with Emerson's mission to forge a new American nous. "The mind of this country, taught to aim at low objects, eats upon itself," declared Emerson in "The American Scholar." Given this debility, Dowling shows how Emerson pushed his mentees to aim higher and feed voraciously on the new possibilities of a new nation. 2/26/2020 4 Samuel Gray Ward: A Financier's Aesthetic - Yale Scholarship We use cookies to ennance your experience on our wepsite. By clicking 'continue' or by continuing to use our website, you are agreeing to our use of cookies. You can change your cookie settings at any time. Continue Find out more Yale Scholarship Online Anthropology History Philosophy Society and Culture Biology Law Political Science Sociology Economics and Finance Literature Psychology Environmental Science Music Religion 's Protégés: Mentoring and Marketing ndentalism's Future g on date: 2014 9780300197440 ale Scholarship Online: January 2015 7/yale/9780300197440.001.0001 4 Samuel Gray Ward: A Financier's Aesthetic David Dowling OI:10.12987/yale/9780300197440.003.0005 This chapter focuses on Ralph Waldo Emerson's mentorship of aristocratic Boston banker and art critic Samuel Gray Ward. It considers how Ward filled Emerson's need for an art critic in his journal, the Dial. Before analyzing the relationship between Ward and Emerson, the chapter examines Ward's decision to marry wealthy socialite Anna Barker rather than Margaret Fuller, and how that marriage was perceived by many as a defection from the transcendentalist movement. It then turns to the reaction of Emerson and Elizabeth Peabody to the Ward-Barker union before concluding with a discussion of Ward's writings on art criticism and history. Keywords: mentorship, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Samuel Gray Ward, Dial, Anna Barker, Margaret Fuller, marriage, transcendentalist movement, Elizabeth Peabody, art criticism David Dowing Enerson's Proteges. SAMUEL GRAY WARD New Haven: Yale U.P., 2014. 4 SAMUEL GRAY WARD: A FINANCIER'S AESTHETIC Seated beside Jones Very at Harvard's commencement exercises in 1836, Samuel Gray Ward seemed yet another young aesthetic rebel poised for his turn with Concord's leading light. The tableau would prove misleading, however, as their proximity during the ceremony was by acci- dent of alphabetical order only. In fact, the two were virtual strangers at Harvard, which is not surprising given their disparate temperaments and career trajectories. Very, the zealot infamous for proclaiming he was the second coming of Christ, would occupy transcendentalism's radical fringe Samuel Gray Ward (Houghton Library, Harvard University) at the farthest imaginable distance from Ward, who was to become a worldly aristocratic Boston banker and art critic. Both, however, shared the distinc- tion of donning professional identities that tested the tolerance of a tran- Ellery Channing, the younger) who expected them to marry and were scendental movement well known for accommodating eccentricity. Very stunned when they did not. Fuller's own painful response to the news of extended Emersonian radicalism to unheard-of levels, while Ward sent their engagement illustrates this discrepancy of expectation, especially the shock waves throughout the transcendental community with an entirely nature of their relationship as Ward imagined it. Indeed, the proposal to different, yet perhaps more violent breach of the circle's collective ethos. some violated the sacrosanct anti-trade ethos of the Concord circle, and With great expectations to marry Margaret Fuller and embrace an aesthetic the aggrieved, the foremost of whom were Fuller and Channing, duly life of art and literature-a royal wedding of sorts in Emerson's Concord registered their shrill protests. By contrast, T. S. Eliot's bank work in kingdom-Ward sinned unpardonably by instead marrying wealthy socialite London in the next century was understood by his literary circle to be a Anna Barker and accepting employment in her father's banking firm. regrettable, but finally unavoidable, concession to economic necessity Although Ward may have never considered Fuller in a romantic light rather than an endorsement of the capitalist culture. Indeed, Ezra Pound despite their intense intimacy and companionship, and courted Barker even established an organized fund-raising drive on his behalf to relieve from the first day he met her, different levels of understanding of Ward's him of what he believed was mindless drudgery. Although Eliot's banking wedding plans ranged from Fuller herself to the Concord circle (led by position effectively answered his financial needs, his predicament was The Early Years of The Saturday Club, 1855-1870. Ed. Edward Waldo Emerson. 1918. "Samuel Gray Ward" "Ward was a man of good birth and breeding, with artistic tastes and gifts, and political business talent; these struggled in him for the mastery. His father, Thomas Wren Ward, was a merchant in Boston with his home in Park Street, where Samuel was born in 1817 Margaret Fuller, the eager young girl of astonishing scholarship and intellectual power became his friend, [introducing him to Ralph Waldo Emerson, 14 years older]." [Their friendship is legendary. As early as 1847, Emerson writes in his Journal]: "Ward has aristocratical position and turns it to excellent account; the only aristocrat who does.. I find myself interested that he should play his part of the American gentleman well, but am contented that he should do that instead of me,--do the etiquette instead of men,--and I am contended that others should sail the ships and work the spindles." "In the middle of the last century a constellation ..had been visible, at first dimly, in the New England heavens. a group [that] gave increasing light and cheer here and to the westward journeying sons and daughters. These brave illuminators-poets, scholars, statesmen, workers in science, art, law, medicine, large business, and good citizenship. were drawn together [and][ in the summer of 1855 eleven of these agreed to meet for monthly dinners in Boston soon [drawing] friends with genius or wit into their circle." R.W. Emerson conceived of such a group in 1844, " about the time...when he was finding great refreshment and pleasure in a friendship with Samuel Gray Ward, a young man of high aspirations, careful breeding, much natural gift for and knowledge of art, and entirely at home in society and literature." " Their members included Louis Agassiz, Emerson, Ward, James Russell Lowell, Ebeneezer Rockwood Hoar, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Greenleaf Whittier, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Charles Eliot Norton, Henry James, James Thomas Fields, etc. Biographical profiles of their members were published in three volumes, covering the first century of the organization. Each chronicles, as Bliss Perry puts it, " " the comings, goings, personalities, opinions, and occupations" of their members, recollections of older members written by younger friends. A full set is in Emerson's home nearby. Compilation Epp. March 10, 2016 9/9/2020 Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) The Walden Woods Project Menu Historical and Biographical Introduction to the Dial. G.W. Cooke. 1902. Vol2 Pp. 36-39. pl Courtesy of Houghton Portrait File, Houghton Library, Harvard University One of Emerson's friends, who became a contributor to "The Dial" through his influence, was Samuel Gray Ward, son of Thomas Wren Ward, a Boston banker, for many years treasurer of the Boston Athenaeum, and afterwards of Harvard College. The father was, in 1827, made the American agent of the banking house of Baring Brothers of London, and on his retirement many years later, the agency was continued. in the hands of the son. It remained under his direction until 1887, first in Boston, but after 1862 in New York; and during this period https://www.walden.org/what-we-do/library/thoreau/samuel-gray-ward-1817-1907/#:~:text=Samuel Gray Ward was born, and friendship with Emerson b 2/8 9/9/2020 Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) I The Walden Woods Project Menu JULLLDJ. Samuel Gray Ward was born in Boston, October 3, 1817, and graduated at Harvard in 1836. He then spent two years of travel in Europe under fortunate circumstances; and it was on his return, in 1838, that his acquaintance and friendship with Emerson began. He contributed six poems to "The Dial" and four prose articles. Four of the poems were printed in the first number, being the sonnet to W. Allston on seeing his painting called "The Bride," which was placed immediately after Margaret Fuller's article on the "Allston Exhibition;" the song on the next page; and the poems called "The Shield" and "Come Morir," placed before and after "The Problem" of Emerson. In the third number of the first volume appeared Ward's "Letters from Italy on the Representatives of Italy," which were devoted to the discussion of the influence of Boccaccio on Italian literature and character. Near the end of the second number of the third volume was printed a dialogue by Ward, called "The Gallery," which discussed the true principles of art. In the first number of the fourth volume appeared "Notes on Art and Architecture," and in the third number an article on the "Translation of Dante," reviewing T. W. Parsons' translation of the first ten cantos of "The Inferno." The last number contained "The Twin Loves" and "The Consolers," poems by Ward. Emerson included in his "Parnassus" "The Shield" and "The Consolers," but without Ward's name. In a personal letter Ward says of his connection with "The Dial": "The only literary interest attaching to my name in this connection grows out of my early intimacy with the founders of "The Dial," - Margaret Fuller, whom I knew from 1835, and R. W. Emerson a year or two later; and with the other writers who made SO great a name in the following https://www.walden.org/what-we-do/library/thoreau/samuel-gray-ward-1817-1907/#:~:text=Samuel Gray Ward was born, and friendship with Emerson b 3/8 9/9/2020 Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) I The Walden Woods Project Menu NUSHILDO, I WAIN LVC11 supporing the literary gift, which, as it never manifested itself in such surroundings, may be doubted." However, Ward contributed an essay on "Criticism" to Miss Peabody's "AEsthetic Papers," and, in 1840, he published in Boston a volume of translations from Goethe, entitled "Essays on Art." It was at one time proposed that he should prepare a part of the memoirs of Margaret Fuller, which were finally written by Emerson, Clarke, and W. H. Channing. Higginson prints in his biography of her a letter to Ward, in which she speaks in glowing words of her interest in the various phases of nature. Emerson found in Ward a devoted friend, and his letters to Ward have been edited by Professor Charles Eliot Norton as "Letters from Ralph Waldo Emerson to a Friend, 1838-1853." Norton says of these letters: "The letters and fragments of letters here printed are part of the early records of a friendship which, beginning when Emerson was thirty years old, lasted unbroken and cordial till his death The friend was younger than Emerson by nine years. At the beginning of their friendship he had lately returned from Europe, where he had spent a year and a half under fortunate conditions. The youth had brought back from the Old World much of which Emerson, with his lively interest in all things of the intelligence, was curious and eager to learn. His own genius was never more active or vigorous, and his young friend's enthusiasm was roused by the spirit of Emerson's teaching He did not fall into the position of a disciple seeking from Emerson a solution of the problems of life; but he brought to Emerson the highest appreciation of the things which Emerson valued, and knowledge of other things of which Emerson knew little but for which he cared much." https://www.walden.org/what-we-do/library/thoreau/samuel-gray-ward-1817-1907/#:~:text=SamuelGray Ward was born, and friendship with Emerson b.. 4/8 9/9/2020 Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) I The Walden Woods Project Menu copeciany painting 111 LIIIS knowledge that Emerson learned most from his friend. In one of the earlier of the letters Emerson refers to a portfolio of sketches loaned him by his friend. Ward gave him one of these, and Emerson expressed his reluctance to separate it from "its godlike companions to put it where it must shine alone." In his "Ode to Beauty" Emerson refers to his art studies with Ward: "I turn the proud portfolios Which hold the grand designs Of Salvator and Guecino, And Piranesi's lines." The friends exchanged books, Emerson sending Thoreau's "Elegy," and his own essay on "Friendship." Concerning the latter he wrote: "I am just now finishing a chapter of friendship (of which one of my lectures last winter contained a first sketch) on which I would gladly provoke a commentary. I have written nothing with more pleasure, and the piece is already indebted to you and I wish to swell my obligations." This correspondence did not continue beyond 1853, doubtless in part because the friends often met for a number of years after that date. What the friendship was to Emerson is indicated by his saying in one of his letters: "The reason why I am curious about you is that with tastes which I also have. you have tastes and powers and corresponding circumstances which I have not and perhaps cannot divine." In one of his letters to Carlyle, in 1843, Emerson wrote of Ward as CC my friend and the best man in the city, and. besides all his personal merits, a master of all the offices of hospitality." In fact, Ward was eminently a clubbable man, and he was not only a member of the transcendental https://www.walden.org/what-we-do/library/thoreau/samuel-gray-ward-1817-1907/#:-:text=SamuelGray Ward was born, and friendship with Emerson b 5/8 9/9/2020 Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) I The Walden Woods Project Menu LITTIC 111 IUTU. VVILI LIIL Saturday Club, the most prominent and successful of the literary clubs of Boston. Concerning its formation Richard Henry Dana, the younger, said: "The club had an accidental origin. in a habit of Emerson, Dwight, Whipple, and one or two more dining at Woodman's room at Parker's occasionally. Ward is a friend of Emerson's, and came." In one of his letters to Ward Emerson mentions his having invited Longfellow and Lowell to join the club, and their interest in it; also he speaks of Lowell's enthusiasm in regard to the publication of a magazine, "The Atlantic Monthly" finally being the result. After his retirement from business, in 1887, Ward became a resident of Washington, where he is still living. -George Willis Cooke, A Historical and Biographical Introduction to the Dial (Cleveland: Rowfant Club, 1902) V. 2, pp. 36-39 From AEsthetic Papers: Criticism From The Dial: No. I (Vol. I., no. 1): July 1840: https://www.walden.org/what-we-do/library/thoreau/samuel-gray-ward-1817-1907/#:-:text=SamuelGray Ward was born, and friendship with Emerson b 6/8 THE UNION BANK OF LOUISIANA LOAN, 1832 A CASE STUDY IN MARKETING R. W. HIDY Wheaton College Norton, Massachusetts T FILL one gap in the hitherto neglected historical analysis of the services and functions of international bankers, this paper presents a study of the technique of placing a specific American loan on the European market approxi- mately one hundred years ago. It attempts also to determine generally the question of profit or loss to the marketing firms, to analyze the circumstances affecting the operation, and to assess the influence of the transaction upon the policy of the London firm directly responsible for selling the bonds. The material for this study is derived largely from the business correspondence of Baring Brothers and Company now in the Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa. In many ways the history of the marketing of the Union Bank loan of 1832 serves as an excellent illustration of the activities of London merchant-bankers handling American bond issues dur- ing the 1830's The loan was issued by the state of Louisiana as an aid to the establishment of a land bank, in itself a typical practice of southern states in a period of great agricultural ex- pansion. The firm of Baring Brothers and Company, the leading merchant-bankers in Anglo-American trade at the time, could scarcely be excelled as a type The contract provided for both a purchase on joint account and sales on commission, but the Bar- ings exercised exclusive control over the sale of the securities. Finally, the loan, the largest single American issue placed by the Barings upon the European market prior to the débâcle of 1842, is important as marking some changes in the policy of the firm itself. The Union Bank of Louisiana, chartered on April 2, 1832, and destined to become the model for other institutions of its kind 232 This content downloaded from 137.49.1.13 on Fri, 22 Sep 2017 02:40:48 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Journal of Political Economy 47 (1939):232-253. Note: on Thomas when and Samed gray ward representation for Barurgo in the deepsouth. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS JOURNALS The Union Bank of Louisiana Loan, 1832: A Case Study in Marketing Author(s): R. W. Hidy Source: Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 47, No. 2 (Apr., 1939), pp. 232-253 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1826640 Accessed: 22-09-2017 02:40 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use. available at http://about.jstor.org/terms The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize. preserve and extend access to Journal of Political Economy JSTOR This content downloaded from 137.49.1.13 on Fri, 22 Sep 2017 02:40:48 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms An Historical and Biographical Introduction to Accompany The Dial As Reprinted in Numbers for The Rowfant Club George Willis Cooke G In Two Volumes Vol. II Unitarton minister, writer, editor lecturer (1848-1923). Will known for his Unitalianign in America (1902), his edition of Sweeson life twittings (1881), and his borgraph of John Sullivan Durght (1898). Cleveland The Rowfant Club 1902 VI SAMUEL GRAY WARD ONE of Emerson's friends, who became a contributor to "The Dial" through his influence, was Samuel Gray Ward, son of Thomas Wren Ward, a Boston banker, for many years treas- urer of the Boston Athenium, and afterwards of Harvard College. The father was, in 1827, made the American agent of the banking house of Baring Brothers of London, and on his retirement many years later, the agency was continued in the hands of the son. It remained under his direction until 1887, first in Boston, but after 1862 in New York; and during this period of sixty years the agency was con- ducted with uniform wisdom and success. Samuel Gray Ward was born in Boston, October 3, 1817, and graduated at Harvard in 1836. He then spent two years of travel in Europe under fortunate circumstances; and it was on his return, in 1838, that his acquaintance and friendship with Emerson began. He contributed six poems to "The Dial" and four prose articles. Four of the poems were printed in the first number,)being the sonnet to W. Allston on seeing his painting called "The Bride," which was placed immediately after Margaret Fuller's article on the " Allston Exhibition;" the song on the next page; and the poems called "The Shield" and "Come Morir," placed before and after "The Problem " of Emerson. /In the third number of the first volume appeared Ward's "Letters from Italy on the Representatives of Italy,">which were devoted to the discussion of the influence of Boccaccio on Italian literature and character. Near the end of the second num- ber of the third volume was printed a dialogue by Ward, 36 Samuel Gray Ward called "The Gallery," which discussed the true principles of art.> In the first number of the fourth volume appeared " Notes on Art and Architecture," and in the third number an article on the "Translation of Dante," reviewing T. W. Parsons' translation of the first ten cantos of "The Inferno." The last number contained "The Twin Loves" and "The Consolers," poems by Ward. Emerson included in his "Parnassus" "The Shield" and "The Consolers," but with- out Ward's name. In a personal letter Ward says of his connection with "The Dial": "The only literary interest attaching to my name in this connection grows out of my early intimacy with the founders of 'The Dial,'- - Margaret Fuller, whom I knew from 1835, and R. W. Emerson a year or two later; and with the other writers who made so great a name in the following decades.> The thirty years and more of my active life were devoted to business, which left no time for literary work, even supposing that I had the literary gift, which, as it never manifested itself in such surroundings, may be doubted." However, Ward contributed an essay on "Criti- cism" to Miss Peabody's " Asthetic Papers," and, in 1840, he published in Boston a volume of translations from Goethe, entitled "Essays on Art.">It was at one time proposed that he should prepare a part of the memoirs of Margaret Fuller, which were finally written by Emerson, Clarke, and W. H. Channing. Higginson prints in his biography of her a letter to Ward, in which she speaks in glowing words of her in- terest in the various phases of nature. Emerson found in Ward a devoted friend, and his letters to Ward have been edited by Professor Charles Eliot Norton as "Letters from Ralph Waldo Emerson to a Friend, 1838- 1853." Norton says of these letters : "The letters and frag- ments of letters here printed are part of the early records of a friendship which, beginning when Emerson was thirty years old, lasted unbroken and cordial till his death. The 37 Introduction to The Dial friend was younger than Emerson by nine years. At the beginning of their friendship he had lately returned from Europe, where he had spent a year and a half under fortu- nate conditions. The youth had brought back from the Old World much of which Emerson, with his lively interest in all things of the intelligence, was curious and eager to learn. His own genius was never more active or vigorous, and his young friend's enthusiasm was roused by the spirit of Emer- C.F. Norton son's teaching. He did not fall into the position of a disciple seeking from Emerson a solution of the problems of life; but he brought to Emerson the highest appreciation of the things which Emerson valued, and knowledge of other things of which Emerson knew little but for which he cared much."> While in Europe Ward had devoted himself largely to the study of art, especially painting and architecture; and it was in this field of knowledge that Emerson learned most from his friend. In one of the earlier of the letters Emerson refers to a portfolio of sketches loaned him by his friend. Ward gave him one of these, and Emerson expressed his re- luctance to separate it from "its godlike companions to put it where it must shine alone." (In his "Ode to Beauty" " Emerson refers to his art studies with Ward "I turn the proud portfolios Which hold the grand designs Of Salvator and Guecino, And Piranesi's lines." The friends exchanged books, Emerson sending Thoreau's "Elegy," and his own essay on "Friendship."> Concerning RWE the latter he wrote : "I am just now finishing a chapter of friendship (of which one of my lectures last winter con- tained a first sketch) on which I would gladly provoke a com- mentary. I have written nothing with more pleasure, and the piece is already indebted to you and I wish to swell my 38 Samuel Gray Ward obligations." This correspondence did not continue beyond 1853, doubtless in part because the friends often met for a number of years after that date. What the friendship was to Emerson is indicated by his saying in one of his letters "The reason why I am curious about you is that with tastes which I also have, you have tastes and powers and corre- sponding circumstances which I have not and perhaps can- not divine." In one of his letters to Carlyle, in 1843, Emerson wrote of Ward as "my friend and the best man in the city, and, besides all his personal merits, a master of all the offices of hospitality." In fact, Ward was eminently a clubbable man, and he was not only a member of the transcendental club, but of the Town and Country Club that succeeded it for a short time in 1849. He was also connected with the beginnings of the Saturday Club the most prominent and successful of the literary clubs of Boston. Concerning its formation Rich- ard Henry Dana, the younger, said: "The club had an acci- dental origin, in a habit of Emerson, Dwight, Whipple, and one or two more dining at Woodman's room at Parker's oc- casionally. Ward is a friend of Emerson's, and came." In one of his letters to Ward Emerson mentions his having invited Longfellow and Lowell to join the club, and their interest in it; also he speaks of Lowell's enthusiasm in regard to the publication of a magazine, "The Atlantic Monthly" finally being the result. After his retirement from business, in 1887, Ward became a resident of Washington, where he is still living. 39 Contents CHAPTER PAGE I. CHRISTOPHER PEARSE CRANCH 1 II. THE EMERSON FAMILY 7 III. JOHN SULLIVAN DWIGHT 20 IV. WILLIAM HENRY CHANNING 24 V. THEODORE PARKER 30 VI. SAMUEL GRAY WARD 36 VII. AMOS BRONSON ALCOTT 40 VIII. WILLIAM DEXTER WILSON 51 IX. THE STURGIS SISTERS 54 X. JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE AND SARAH CLARKE 62 XI. FREDERIC HENRY HEDGE 69 XII. WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING 75 XIII. THOMAS TREADWELL STONE 87 XIV. JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL 94 XV. JOHN MILTON MACKIE 98 XVI. JOHN FRANCIS TUCKERMAN 99 XVII. ELIZA THAYER CLAPP 101 XVIII. JONATHAN ASHLEY SAXTON 113 XIX. WILLIAM BATCHELDER GREENE 117 XX. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN PRESBURY 129 XXI. CHARLES ANDERSON DANA 133 XXII. JONES VERY 137 XXIII. CHARLES KING NEWCOMB 143 XXIV. CHARLES LANE AND ALCOTT'S ENGLISH FRIENDS 148 V 385271 Contents CHAPTER PAGE XXV. CHARLES STEARNS WHEELER 161 XXVI. LYDIA MARIA CHILD 166 XXVII. GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 170 XXVIII. BENJAMIN PETER HUNT 176 XXIX. JAMES ELLIOT CABOT 181 XXX. CHARLES TIMOTHY BROOKS 184 XXXI. ERRATA, REPRINTS, ETC. 187 XXXII. TITLES AND CONTRIBUTORS 196 XXXIII. INDIVIDUAL CONTRIBUTIONS 212 INDEX 229 vi Allen Chamberlain. keacon Hill: Its Anciat Parture and Early llansions. Boston: HM, 1925. Chap. 13 only LOUISBURG SQUARE events of wide importance enacted there was the marriage of the famous singer, Jenny Lind, to her accompanist, Otto Goldschmidt, on February 5, 1852 Samuel G. Ward, who lived at Number 20, was Boston representative of Baring Brothers, the prima-donna's London bankers, and he opened his house for the occasion.) During her most suc- cessful years Louisa M. Alcott and her aged father lived as tenants at Number IO, and William Dean Howells was at Number 4 at the time when he was editing the 'Atlantic Monthly.' In the sixties John G. Palfrey, author of 'The History of New England,' was a tenant in the Square, and the well-beloved Reverend Samuel Hobart Winkley made his home at Number II from 1874 until his death in 19II. In the summer of 1915, Mrs. Fiske, the celebrated actress, chose the Square as the setting for a scene from 'Vanity Fair' that she was to act before a screen camera. It was to be the picture of the marriage of Becky Sharp to Jos Sedley in Russell Square, London, and in Louisburg Mrs. Fiske found an environment sufficiently English in its qualities to satisfy the needs of the occasion. In this act she was supported by two amateurs, both residents of the Square, one gentleman taking the part of Sedley, the other, arrayed in blue-and-white livery, acted as coach- man and drove the bride and groom around the mall. 201 Note: Enderce indicates that Thousan when ward financed S.G ward residence Louisburg the gift? Residency after Square the appear mid-1840's marriage to uncertain when the S.6.W family Lenoy. moved 8/17/2019 Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) Records, 1826-1980 Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) Records 1826-1980 Guide to the Collection COLLECTION SUMMARY CREATOR: Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) TITLE: Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) records DATES: 1826-1980 PHYSICAL 6 document boxes, 5 cased volumes, and 3 extra large folders in DESCRIPTION: drawers CALL Ms. N-35 NUMBER: REPOSITORY: Massachusetts Historical Society , 1154 Boylston Street , Boston, MA 02215 library@masshist.org (mailto:library@masshist.org) 8/17/2019 Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) Records, 1826-1980 This collection consists of the administrative and financial records of the Proprietors of Louisburg Square, an association of property owners in Boston's Beacon Hill neighborhood. Included are loose papers and bound volumes of correspondence, deeds, meeting minutes, treasurer's accounts, and printed material. HISTORICAL SKETCH The Proprietors of Louisburg Square are an association of property owners located in Louisburg Square, an area of Boston's Beacon Hill between Pinckney and Mt. Vernon Sts. Originally pasture acreage referred to as the Copley tract, the land was purchased from John Singleton Copley by the Mt. Vernon Proprietors, consisting of Jonathan Mason, Harrison Gray Otis, Benjamin Joy, and Henry Jackson. The area was divided into lots owned by several proprietors, and an 1826 partition deed indicates a plan for the Square's jointly owned central park space and parallel streets. Though development of the Square's lots was planned in the late 1820s, building did not begin until 1834 and continued through the 1840s. By 1844, all of the square's Greek revival houses, including several designed by architect Charles Bulfinch, had been constructed. At that time, twenty eight lot owners signed the Proprietors Indenture and Articles of Agreement, which ensured current and subsequent SGW homeowners would act as stewards of the shared land; this is considered the earliest example of a homeowner association in America. In order to maintain common land, the agreement established the Committee of the Proprietors of Louisburg Square, whose first action was to guide the enlargement of the jointly owned central park for the use of all residents. The Committee's later agreements further delineated the elected roles of clerk, treasurer, and chairman, and outlined the procedures for majority approval of activities and the annual assessment of fees due to proprietors. The Committee held meetings; collected annual assessments; determined the allotment of funds for hiring staff and contracting organizations to ensure the Square's upkeep and security; and planned, approved, and carried out projects for the improvement of the Square's shared space and roads. Aside from regular landscaping work involving the maintenance of the Square's lawn and trees and the brief establishment of a separate Garden committee for ornamental plants, major changes to the Square include the construction of an enclosing iron fence, as well as the 1850 addition of statues of Aristides the Just and Christopher Columbus. The committee, through majority vote of proprietors at meetings, also approved changes in policy, including a 1852 vote to exclude children from the Square's park. Over time, the Square's buildings have not only seen changes in residents and 8/17/2019 Proprietors of Louisburg Square (Boston, Mass.) Records, 1826-1980 split into separate apartment units. Use of buildings have also changed to suit the needs of institutions, most notably the 1888 conversion of No. 17 Louisburg Square from a private residence into St. Margaret's Convent, home to the Sisters of the Society of St. Margaret. Notable residents of Louisburg Square have included novelist and Atlantic Monthly editor William Dean Howells, A. Bronson Alcott, novelist Louisa M. Alcott, and, more recently, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and novelist Robin Cook. SOURCES Griswold, Gabrielle. "The Story of Louisburg Square." 1950. Jacoby, Ernest. "Notes in Regard to the Statues of Louisburg Square." 1963. McKenzie, Evan. Privatopia: Homeowner Associations and the Rise of Residential Private Government. Hew Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. Snell, Charles W. "National Register of Historic Places Inventory - Nomination Form: Beacon Hill Historic District." Division of History, Office of Archeology and Historic Preservation, National Park Service, 1970. Accessed 28 November 2016. http://architecturaltrust.org/-architec/wp content/uploads/2013/06/Report_NR_Beacon_Hill.pdf Winkley, Hobart William. "Annals of Louisburgh Square." 1920. COLLECTION DESCRIPTION This collection contains records of the Proprietors of Louisburg Square in Boston, including correspondence, proprietors' records, treasurer's records, and scrapbooks. Correspondence is primarily between members of the executive committee of the Proprietors of Louisburg Square and other organizations and individuals, and is largely administrative, focusing on plans for improvements, repair, and general upkeep of the Square's streets and landscaping. Proprietors' records pertain to the history, meetings, and policies of the Proprietors, including deeds and agreements; meeting announcements, minutes, and powers of attorney; lists of proprietors' information and payment status; records related to the regulation and enforcement of private parking; historical accounts of the Square and its statues; articles and illustrations related to Louisburg Square and its residents; and blueprints of the Square. Materials collected by long-time resident Horace Morison include historical sketches, poems, and printed material related to the history of the Square. Financial 3/20/2017 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite The New York Times The New York Times U.S. Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite By CAREY GOLDBERG FEB. 18, 1999 They call Louisburg Square (pronounced Lewisburg, please, not Loueeburg) the most prestigious property, the most exclusive enclave, the most treasured trophy address in Boston. They call it the heart of Beacon Hill, that slope of brick-paved, gas-lighted lanes once a bastion of Boston Brahminism. But peep into the town houses here -- or rather, into their real estate records -- and Louisburg Square suddenly comes to represent the exact opposite of old Boston. For on the little square where names like Cabot and Appleton still dominated a generation ago, a transformation is complete: from old Anglo-Saxon to new ethnic names; from shabby gentility to $3 million price tags on town houses without garages that allow passers-by on snowy days the unusual sight of a billionaire or two clearing off their cars. Most important, descendants of old shipping and merchant banking fortunes that defined Boston for generations have ceded possession of the square to largely self-made captains of the high-tech, financial and other industries that are reinventing the city. The changing of the guard on Louisburg Square mirrors other transitions from blue blood to new blood, from old money to new money, urban scholars say: Pacific Heights in San Francisco, or, to a lesser extent, Society Hill in Philadelphia or the lakeside Gold Coast in Chicago. "You could call it turbo-gentrification," the sociologist Alan Wolfe said, borrowing from a new book on the super-charged economy, "Turbo-capitalism." But other scholars and participants describe it as a sort of de-gentrification: A process in which meritocracy, or marketocracy, periodically triumphs over breeding in forming an elite. For a city's own good, if it wants to avoid economic atrophy, the new money had better triumph, historians say. These days, "young people and people with ideas and people who like the tumble and tide are attracted to Boston and San Francisco and Chicago and New York" and a few other spots, said Kenneth T. Jackson, an urban historian at Columbia University. "I think that St. Louis, New Orleans, maybe in some ways Memphis, are cities that had an older elite that wasn't as open to new people," Mr. Jackson said, "and I think all those cities suffered a little bit." Here in Boston, the effect of the old money's accession to new is felt in subtle ways: the clutter of 7 Get 50% off for one year. Limited time offer. SAVE NOW ARTICLES REMAINING the Museum of Fine Arts; in talk of the city's economic and cultural vibrancy, and a sense that the old Brahmin monopoly on financial and social power, like the Irish monopoly on political power, has given way to something more open and complex. On Louisburg Square the change comes into clear relief. These days, neighbors say, they cannot name a full-blown Brahmin left in residence. The current owners of the 27 town houses that line the square include Chris Gabrieli, a son of immigrants who made millions in software and is now a venture capitalist; Robin Cook, a self-described "poor boy from Queens" who bought his house after writing "Coma," the best-selling novel; Peter Lynch, the Fidelity investment guru; Alan Friedberg, retired chairman of Loews Theatres; Thomas Stemberg, who built the Staples office supply chain, and Amos Hostetter, who built Continental Cablevision. Several of the new residents are ensconced not only in their own paneled libraries but in philanthropic activities once mainly the province of Brahmins. Mr. Hostetter is widely said to be about to start the biggest private foundation in Boston. Mr. Gabrieli has a family foundation and oversees a public-policy center. Mr. Lynch announced this week that he and his wife were giving more than $10 million to Boston College's school of education. "It's not like it used to be, when your name had to be something and your background had to be something," said Mr. Friedberg, the retired Loews chairman, who serves on several boards. "Now it's more a question of, are you a valuable asset? Not just in terms of money, but are you a straight shooter, are you willing to roll up your sleeves and work? "I think the game rules have changed. It's not about whether you have the right ancestors, it's who you are." Who you are also affects to some extent how you direct your money, Mr. Gabrieli said. "By and large, it's somewhat less toward traditional culture and arts -- though that's not to say there's no giving there, there is -- and more heavily toward education and opportunity," he said. "It's very entrepreneurial." Mr. Gabrieli added: "These people, myself included, are entrepreneurs. The pitch that XYZ museum has been around forever and deserves a new generation of stewards is less appealing -- not that it should be, because those are great institutions -- but it's less appealing than, 'Here's a new idea that could really transform something and really needs some drive behind it.'' The social transformation of Louisburg Square began to take on steam in the late 1970's, said Thomas Townsend, a real estate broker and authority on the Hill. Old Brahmins' departures and deaths opened the way to owners with a new kind of money. Now, at the end of the century, the strong economy and restored city chic are bringing Beacon Hill renewed glory. Its impeccable preservation, central location and community spirit have combined to make it a neighborhood SO hot that a former carriage house is for sale here at nearly $2 million. As recently as 1970 the Louisburg Square town houses sold for around $100,000. The first Beacon Hill sale to crack $1 million came in 1984 on Louisburg Square, real estate agents say. Though a handful 7 Get 50% off for one year. Limited time offer. SAVE NOW ARTICLES REMAINING http://www.nytimes.com/1999/02/18/us/behind-the-curtains-of-boston-s-best-neighborhood-a-new-elite.html 2/4 the Museum of Fine Arts; in talk of the city's economic and cultural vibrancy, and a sense that the old Brahmin monopoly on financial and social power, like the Irish monopoly on political power, has given way to something more open and complex. On Louisburg Square the change comes into clear relief. These days, neighbors say, they cannot name a full-blown Brahmin left in residence. The current owners of the 27 town houses that line the square include Chris Gabrieli, a son of immigrants who made millions in software and is now a venture capitalist; Robin Cook, a self-described "poor boy from Queens" who bought his house after writing "Coma," the best-selling novel; Peter Lynch, the Fidelity investment guru; Alan Friedberg, retired chairman of Loews Theatres; Thomas Stemberg, who built the Staples office supply chain, and Amos Hostetter, who built Continental Cablevision. Several of the new residents are ensconced not only in their own paneled libraries but in philanthropic activities once mainly the province of Brahmins. Mr. Hostetter is widely said to be about to start the biggest private foundation in Boston. Mr. Gabrieli has a family foundation and oversees a public-policy center. Mr. Lynch announced this week that he and his wife were giving more than $10 million to Boston College's school of education. "It's not like it used to be, when your name had to be something and your background had to be something," said Mr. Friedberg, the retired Loews chairman, who serves on several boards. "Now it's more a question of, are you a valuable asset? Not just in terms of money, but are you a straight shooter, are you willing to roll up your sleeves and work? "I think the game rules have changed. It's not about whether you have the right ancestors, it's who you are." Who you are also affects to some extent how you direct your money, Mr. Gabrieli said. "By and large, it's somewhat less toward traditional culture and arts -- though that's not to say there's no giving there, there is -- and more heavily toward education and opportunity," he said. "It's very entrepreneurial." Mr. Gabrieli added: "These people, myself included, are entrepreneurs. The pitch that XYZ museum has been around forever and deserves a new generation of stewards is less appealing -- not that it should be, because those are great institutions -- but it's less appealing than, 'Here's a new idea that could really transform something and really needs some drive behind it." The social transformation of Louisburg Square began to take on steam in the late 1970's, said Thomas Townsend, a real estate broker and authority on the Hill. Old Brahmins' departures and deaths opened the way to owners with a new kind of money. Now, at the end of the century, the strong economy and restored city chic are bringing Beacon Hill renewed glory. Its impeccable preservation, central location and community spirit have combined to make it a neighborhood so hot that a former carriage house is for sale here at nearly $2 million. As recently as 1970 the Louisburg Square town houses sold for around $100,000. The first Beacon Hill sale to crack $1 million came in 1984 on Louisburg Square, real estate agents say. Though a handful 7 Get 50% off for one year. Limited time offer. SAVE NOW ARTICLES REMAINING 2/4 3/20/2017 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite The New York Times On "the Hill," where the sweep of historical memory spans the two centuries since it was built up by developers who also sliced off its top, the influx of mega-rich appears to evoke mixed feelings. No one seems to mourn the isolationist side of the Brahmin reign, or the crumbling Boston of two or three decades ago that dropped prices and sent families fleeing to the suburbs. And the strong sense of history prompts obvious parallels: Karen Cord Taylor, editor and publisher of The Beacon Hill Times, pointed out that Charles Bulfinch, the famed architect and developer whose gems, like the State House, crown Beacon Hill, was something like the Donald J. Trump of his day. And who were the original Beacon Hill residents but entrepreneurs who happened to be in shipping and import- export and banking rather than technology and media? "They were the nouveaux riches and arrivistes of their day," she said. Still, the arrival of this new wave is bringing some consternation along with the welcome for billionaire blockbusters. Henry Lee, scion of a Brahmin family and longtime resident of a house that looks out on Louisburg Square but is not technically a part of it, said that many of the new rich residents are laudably generous to community causes like the Friends of the Public Garden, which he heads. But he worries, he said, that "money is a terrible destroyer of architecture." "Poverty is a great preserver," Mr. Lee added. "One thing I do deplore is that an awful lot of people have moved into houses on Louisburg Square and elsewhere and gutted them." Some houses may have needed gutting, said Mr. Cook, the novelist, who discovered the dirty little secret of Louisburg Square when he moved in: The houses were largely built by developers rather than by owners, and their grandeur sometimes hides "pathetic" construction flaws that require major repairs like new foundations. Still, Mr. Lee and others are concerned about architectural treasures being thrown out with the 19th- century heating systems. And there seems an element of psychological discomfort as well. "I sometimes am a little appalled to look out and realize three or four billionaires are living on Louisburg Square, let alone millionaires," Mr. Lee said, sounding dryly amused. One recent Christmas, he said, he saw a Porsche with a fat red ribbon around it parked on the square -- "probably a stocking present." Nonetheless, perhaps the most striking thing about the square's social transformation is that, aside from the fanciness of the cars parked on the dedicated spots that other Beacon Hill residents would kill for, its appearance is virtually unchanged, preserved under glass by powerful rules and even more powerful public sentiment that Beacon Hill's beauty lies in its historical integrity. Its little park, often compared to those in London and locked to all but the residents, seems as unchanging as the houses' understatedly grand facades. The replacement of the octogenarian residents who dominated 20 years ago by younger mega-rich, Mr. Cook said, has meant a new collective willingness to fix the lawn and the fence and the road but not to make any major changes -- such as putting in the fountain he proposes. 7 Get 50% off for one year. Limited time offer. SAVE NOW ARTICLES REMAINING way they want it." In a way, Mr. Lee said, the new mega-rich of Louisburg Square are not really a change, either, but only the continuation of a cycle. "After all," he said, "class in America has always been wealth. In Boston, it got to be a little bit more than that because Bostonians invest their money very prudently and lived simply and therefore could pass it along from generation to generation". But, he said, 'All these things are only a matter of time. It only takes two generations to get smug." © 2017 The New York Times Company 7 Get 50% off for one year. Limited time offer. SAVE NOW ARTICLES REMAINING http://www.nytimes.com/1999/02/18/us/behind-the-curtains-of-boston-s-best-neighborhood-a-new-elite.html 4/4 8/10/2021 Louisburg Square - Wikipedia WIKIPEDIA Coordinates:42°21'30.35"N71°04'07.08"W Louisburg Square Louisburg Square is a private square located in the Beacon Hill neighborhood of Boston, Massachusetts that is maintained by the Louisburg Square Proprietors. While the Proprietors pay taxes to the City of Boston, the city does not own the square or its garden. It was named for the 1745 Battle of Louisbourg, in which Massachusetts militiamen led by William Pepperrell, who was made the first American baronet for his role, sacked the Houses on Louisburg Square, French Fortress of Louisbourg. Louisburg Beacon Hill Square has become one of the most exclusive neighborhoods in the US, with townhouses listing for over $15,000,000. Contents Description History and residents References External links Description The square itself is a small grassy oval surrounded by a wrought-iron fence; there is no public access. There is a statue of Christopher Columbus at the north end and of Aristides the Just at the south end. [1] History and residents https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louisburg_Square 1/4 8/10/2021 Louisburg Square - Wikipedia The Greek Revival houses around the square reflect the rarefied privilege enjoyed by the 19th century upper class in Beacon Hill. The square was surveyed in the 1820s, and the houses around it were designed and built between 1834 and 1847.[2] One of the last private residences built on Louisburg Square was 2 Louisburg Square, built in 1847 for wealthy merchant and philanthropist Thomas Handasyd Perkins Jr., known as "Short-Arm Tom", who lived at 1 Joy Street. Among the famous people who lived there in the 19th Century were Atlantic Monthly editor William Dean Howells, architect Charles Bulfinch, painter John Singleton Copley, and teacher A. Bronson Alcott and his daughter, author Louisa May Alcott (who died there). [1] Jenny Lind was married in the parlor of a house on Louisburg Square. [1] As of 2014, it is one of the most expensive residential neighborhoods in the USA; townhouses on Louisburg Square sold for $11.5 million in 2011 [3] and $11 million in 2012, [4] for instance. The square is often included in walking tours and guidebooks. Former U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and his wife Theresa Heinz, own the townhouse at 19 Louisburg Square. [5] in 1901 Histortan Mark A. De Wolfe House lived with his daughter (Helen) in an apartment at 16 foresburg Square, Samuel Gray Ward resided c his family at 20 fouisburg Square https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Louisburg_Square 2/4 8/17/2019 Louisburg Square, Boston a view on cities Like 11K people like this. Be the first of your friends. Custom Search Sights & Attractions in some of the world's greatest cities Boston Attractions Map Tours Facts Buildings Posters Pictures A View On Cities > Boston > Boston Attractions > Louisburg Square Freedom Trail Boston Common Louisburg Square Back Bay State House Info Location/Map Nearby sights Nearby hotels Photos Beacon Hill Copley Square Charming Louisburg Square has long been one of Boston's most desirable Rating locations. 13 votes Faneuil Hall Trinity Church Situated in one of Boston's most sought after neighborhoods, Paul Revere House Louisburg Square is one of the loveliest parts of Beacon Hill. John Hancock Tower The homes around Louisburg Quincy Market Square were built in the 1840s and New England Aquarium were to serve as a model for Museum of Fine Arts townhouse development. Prudential Center Tour of The Old State House History of the Square Freedom Trail Public Garden The area that is now Louisburg Bunker Hill Monument From USD $16.00 Square is said to have been the Louisburg Square USS Constitution home of Rev. William Blaxton Book this tour Custom House (sometimes known as Blackstone) in the early 1600s. Blaxton Fenway Park had come here after separating himself from a group of Stata Center Puritans in Charlestown, seeking more peace and quiet. It is South Station said that he purchased land from the Native Americans and MIT encouraged others from his group, who had complained about Back Bay Fens the lack of water in Charlestown, to travel Rowes Wharf across the river and enjoy his "spring". Old South Meeting House There's no evidence of the spring today, so THE City Hall the origins of the story are uncertain. A Independence Louisburg Square plaque at one of the homes on the square, THIT Pub Crawl Long Wharf however, pays homage to Blaxton, who eventually moved to Rhode Island for yet From USD $39.99 South End Christian Science Church more seclusion. Book this tour Harvard Yard Famous Residents Because Beacon Hill, and Louisburg Square Typical facade in particular, has always been THE place to live in Boston, a number of recognizable names have made their home here. Charles Bulfinch, architect of the nearby State House lived here as well as John Singleton Copley, a famous American painter. Author Louisa May Alcott - of Little Women fame - made her home at no. 10 and died here as Boston Odyssey well. It is said that opera singer Jenny Lind married here in the Brunch Cruise 1850s. Author and critic William Dean Howells also lived on From USD $86.33 Louisburg Square. More recent residents include Jack Welch and former presidential hopeful, John Kerry. Book this tour The Square Today The square is owned by the people who live in the houses around it and has always been well-tended and pristine. As a symbol of exclusivity, the small fenced park is the last private square in the city of Boston. Inside the fenced park - a grassy area lined with are 8/17/2019 Louisburg Square, Boston Aristides the Just, both donated by a Greek merchant who lived at the square in the 1850s. Many of the grand colonial-style homes around the square have turned from single- family houses to condominiums and apartments that accommodate a host of renters of various ages, mostly up-and- coming young professionals. Share 16 Columbus Statue Next: Long Wharf © 2019 www.aviewoncities.com 8/17/2019 Louisburg Square United States History Home Chronological Eras Chronological Eras Early America Information Tables Maps History Quizzes Glossary Blog Louisburg Square Laid out in 1826 by Mt. Vernon proprietors on pasture land purchased from John Singleton Copley, Louisburg Square stands as the epitome of the posh Beacon Hill district - a residential area in Boston, Massachusetts. It connects Mt. Vernon with Pinckney Street. The square is acknowledged as one of the only two private London- style garden squares in the nation, the other being Gramercy Park in New York City. A historic piece of real estate, Louisburg Square is named after the battle of Louisburg, during which the Massachusetts Militiamen sacked the French Fortress in 1745. The square is surrounded by homes once resided in by the famous personalities such as the author and critic William Dean Howells and Louisa May Alcott. Presently, Louisburg Square is home to the city's most expensive property and includes townhouses valued at more than $1 million. The Greek Revival-style houses found in the area reflect the privilege enjoyed by the 19th-century upper class in Beacon Hill. Further, the square is noted for its Federal-style houses built by Charles Bulfinch in the 1790s. These elegant buildings, with its red-brick facades, are adorned by classical details. The whole square is actually oblong in shape, and its central area has an oval park with a tall iron fence. Found at the either end of the square are the Italian marble statues of Aristides and Columbus. The narrow, cobblestone streets; brownstones; and gas-lit streetlamps, add to the old charm of the area. Off-site search results for "Louisburg Square" Washington Square open spacious quality." The 6.4-acre Southeast Square was renamed Washington Square in 1825 to honor the great general and first President. A Tour of the Park Start in the southwest corner and move clockwise We'll start our tour at 230 http://www.ushistory.org/tour/tour washsq.htm Hartford's Neighborhoods I Barry Square Barry Square takes its name from Father Michael Barry, whose Catholic parish built St. Augustine's Church on Campfield Avenue in 1902. Many early parishioners at St. Augustine Church were Irish who came to Hartford as laborers, the greatest http://hartford.omaxfield.com/barrysq.html New Orleans Square for New Orleans Square Haunted Mansion or Pirates of the Caribbean New Orleans Square! A taste of the old bayou the way it was. This is the place, if you ask me. It has always been one of my favorites, not only because of the great rides, but http://www.geocities.com/hollywood/boulevard/1877/nworl.html Custom Search 5/1/2020 Xfinity Connect Berkshire Quartet Printout Cornelia Gilder 5/1/2020 9:34 AM Re: Berkshire Quartet To RONALD EPP Hello Ron, Yes, I loved Richard Stebbins' article and learned alot from it! I have a vague recollection of talking to him on the phone as he was knowledgeable about this cast of characters and era. Are you trying to piece together when the Wards sold Highwood? After renting it to the Tappans, they rented to Louisa Norton and William Bullard. The Bullards were Bostonians with lots of interconnections with the Wards and Tappans (She was Charles Eliot Norton's sister) In 1857 the Wards sold Highwood to the Bullards ,and the house was passed down in the Bullard family even into my lifetime. So there was a twenty-year gap before the Wards returned bought new land nearby and build Oakswood. The transfer of Highwood to the Bullards is in Hawthorne's Lenox p.30. Did I tell you that when I asked the Century Club archivist if other New York clubs have put online such a biographical archive, he said not to his knowledge. All well here. Am deep in re-painting a guest room and organizing the voluminous photographs of my grandfather taken between 1905 and 1921 - some Lenox and some other parts of his life including forays to the Adirondacks and coastal Maine. All the best, Nini On Thu, Apr 30, 2020 at 5:06 PM RONALD EPP < eppster2@comcast.net> wrote: Hi Nini, I hope you are safe and secure these days as we enter yet another month of viral lock down. As I continue my pursuit of all things "Doorish," I am much indebted to the U. of Hartford for providing me with access in these days to the published journal literature--but not monographs. Are you acquainted with an article titled "Berkshire Quartet: Hawthornes and Tappans at Tanglewood, 1850-1851" by R.P. Stebbins from the Nathaniel Hawthorne Review (1999). The quartet is comprised of Sophia and Nathaniel, Caroline and 5/1/2020 Xfinity Connect Re_Berkshire Quartet Printout William. This 20 page article is concerned with Highwood under Samuel G. Ward's absentee ownership to the rentals of the estate to Tappan and the occupancy of the red House by the Hawthornes. I recommend it strongly! However, what it leaves unanswered is the following. Tappan had written in 1850 to Upjohn that he was renting for three years, yet after the departure in late 1851 of the Hawthornes I am left wondering about the fate of the property. Were you able to document the final sale of the property? The reason I am pursuing this is that I would like to settle in my mind when Samuel G. Gray put his first Lenox experiment behind him, recognizing that he would return much later. I am safely self contained here in Farmington, securing groceries, books, medicines, and stationary supplies via online providers. Once a week I take a 20 minute drive through the neighborhood to supplement by daily walks and witness the seasonal changes.Daily emails and phone calls with friends keep me engaged as does the ongoing research. What about you? Many hugs, Ron. Ronald H. Epp, Ph.D. 7 Peachtree Terrace Farmington, CT 06032 603-491-1760 eppster2@comcast.net Edith Wharton's Lenox , by Cornelia Brooke Gilder (2017) https://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Dstripbooks&field- keywords=Cornelia+Gilder 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times The New York Times Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite By Carey Goldberg Feb. 18, 1999 See the article in its original context from February 18, 1999, Section A, Page 16 Buy Reprints New York Times subscribers* enjoy full access to TimesMachine-view over 150 years of New York Times journalism, as it originally appeared. SUBSCRIBE *Does not include Crossword-only or Cooking-only subscribers. They call Louisburg Square (pronounced Lewisburg, please, not Loueeburg) the most prestigious property, the most exclusive enclave, the most treasured trophy address in Boston. They call it the heart of Beacon Hill, that slope of brick-paved, gas-lighted lanes once a bastion of Boston Brahminism. But peep into the town houses here -- or rather, into their real estate records -- and Louisburg Square suddenly comes to represent the exact opposite of old Boston. 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times For on the little square where names like Cabot and Appleton still dominated a generation ago, a transformation is complete: from old Anglo-Saxon to new ethnic names; from shabby gentility to $3 million price tags on town houses without garages that allow passers-by on snowy days the unusual sight of a billionaire or two clearing off their cars. Most important, descendants of old shipping and merchant banking fortunes that defined Boston for generations have ceded possession of the square to largely self-made captains of the high-tech, financial and other industries that are reinventing the city. The changing of the guard on Louisburg Square mirrors other transitions from blue blood to new blood, from old money to new money, urban scholars say: Pacific Heights in San Francisco, or, to a lesser extent, Society Hill in Philadelphia or the lakeside Gold Coast in Chicago. "You could call it turbo-gentrification," the sociologist Alan Wolfe said, borrowing from a new book on the super-charged economy, "Turbo-capitalism." You have 6 free articles remaining. Subscribe to The Times But other scholars and participants describe it as a sort of de- gentrification: A process in which meritocracy, or marketocracy, periodically triumphs over breeding in forming an elite. For a city's own good, if it wants to avoid economic atrophy, the new money had better triumph, historians say. 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times These days, "young people and people with ideas and people who like the tumble and tide are attracted to Boston and San Francisco and Chicago and New York" and a few other spots, said Kenneth T. Jackson, an urban historian at Columbia University. "I think that St. Louis, New Orleans, maybe in some ways Memphis, are cities that had an older elite that wasn't as open to new people," Mr. Jackson said, "and I think all those cities suffered a little bit." Here in Boston, the effect of the old money's accession to new is felt in subtle ways: the clutter of construction trash bins and trucks on Beacon Hill and in the tony Back Bay, as new owners spend millions on interior renovations; the increasingly diverse trustees of the Boston Symphony Orchestra or the Museum of Fine Arts; in talk of the city's economic and cultural vibrancy, and a sense that the old Brahmin monopoly on financial and social power, like the Irish monopoly on political power, has given way to something more open and complex. On Louisburg Square the change comes into clear relief. These days, neighbors say, they cannot name a full-blown Brahmin left in residence. The current owners of the 27 town houses that line the square include Chris Gabrieli, a son of immigrants who made millions in software and is now a venture capitalist; Robin Cook, a self-described "poor boy from Queens" who bought his house after writing "Coma," the best-selling novel; Peter Lynch, the Fidelity investment guru; Alan Friedberg, retired chairman of Loews Theatres; Thomas Stemberg, who built the Staples office supply chain, and Amos Hostetter, who built Continental Cablevision. Several of the new residents are ensconced not only in their own paneled libraries but in philanthropic activities once mainly the of Brahmins 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times Mr. Hostetter is widely said to be about to start the biggest private foundation in Boston. Mr. Gabrieli has a family foundation and oversees a public-policy center. Mr. Lynch announced this week that he and his wife were giving more than $10 million to Boston College's school of education. "It's not like it used to be, when your name had to be something and your background had to be something," said Mr. Friedberg, the retired Loews chairman, who serves on several boards. "Now it's more a question of, are you a valuable asset? Not just in terms of money, but are you a straight shooter, are you willing to roll up your sleeves and work? "I think the game rules have changed. It's not about whether you have the right ancestors, it's who you are." Who you are also affects to some extent how you direct your money, Mr. Gabrieli said. "By and large, it's somewhat less toward traditional culture and arts -- though that's not to say there's no giving there, there is -- and more heavily toward education and opportunity," he said. "It's very entrepreneurial." Mr. Gabrieli added: "These people, myself included, are entrepreneurs. The pitch that XYZ museum has been around forever and deserves a new generation of stewards is less appealing -- not that it should be, because those are great institutions -- but it's less appealing than, 'Here's a new idea that could really transform something and really needs some drive behind it.' " The social transformation of Louisburg Square began to take on steam in the late 1970's, said Thomas Townsend, a real estate broker authority on the Hill Old Brahmins' departures and 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times opened the way to owners with a new kind of money. Now, at the end of the century, the strong economy and restored city chic are bringing Beacon Hill renewed glory. Its impeccable preservation, central location and community spirit have combined to make it a neighborhood SO hot that a former carriage house is for sale here at nearly $2 million. As recently as 1970 the Louisburg Square town houses sold for around $100,000. The first Beacon Hill sale to crack $1 million came in 1984 on Louisburg Square, real estate agents say. Though a handful of more modest rental units and condominiums remain, recent sales have exceeded $3 million and $4 million. On "the Hill," where the sweep of historical memory spans the two centuries since it was built up by developers who also sliced off its top, the influx of mega-rich appears to evoke mixed feelings. No one seems to mourn the isolationist side of the Brahmin reign, or the crumbling Boston of two or three decades ago that dropped prices and sent families fleeing to the suburbs. And the strong sense of history prompts obvious parallels: Karen Cord Taylor, editor and publisher of The Beacon Hill Times, pointed out that Charles Bulfinch, the famed architect and developer whose gems, like the State House, crown Beacon Hill, was something like the Donald J. Trump of his day. And who were the original Beacon Hill residents but entrepreneurs who happened to be in shipping and import-export and banking rather than technology and media? "They were the nouveaux riches and arrivistes of their day," she said. Still, the arrival of this new wave is bringing some consternation along with the welcome for billionaire blockbusters. 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times Henry Lee, scion of a Brahmin family and longtime resident of a house that looks out on Louisburg Square but is not technically a part of it, said that many of the new rich residents are laudably generous to community causes like the Friends of the Public Garden, which he heads. But he worries, he said, that "money is a terrible destroyer of architecture." "Poverty is a great preserver," Mr. Lee added. "One thing I do deplore is that an awful lot of people have moved into houses on Louisburg Square and elsewhere and gutted them." Some houses may have needed gutting, said Mr. Cook, the novelist, who discovered the dirty little secret of Louisburg Square when he moved in: The houses were largely built by developers rather than by owners, and their grandeur sometimes hides "pathetic" construction flaws that require major repairs like new foundations. Still, Mr. Lee and others are concerned about architectural treasures being thrown out with the 19th-century heating systems. And there seems an element of psychological discomfort as well. "I sometimes am a little appalled to look out and realize three or four billionaires are living on Louisburg Square, let alone millionaires," Mr. Lee said, sounding dryly amused. One recent Christmas, he said, he saw a Porsche with a fat red ribbon around it parked on the square -- "probably a stocking present." Nonetheless, perhaps the most striking thing about the square's social transformation is that, aside from the fanciness of the cars parked on the dedicated spots that other Beacon Hill residents would kill for, its appearance is virtually unchanged, preserved under glass by powerful rules and even more powerful public sentiment that Beacon Hill's beauty lies in its historical integrity. 8/17/2019 Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite - The New York Times Its little park, often compared to those in London and locked to all but the residents, seems as unchanging as the houses' understatedly grand facades. The replacement of the octogenarian residents who dominated 20 years ago by younger mega-rich, Mr. Cook said, has meant a new collective willingness to fix the lawn and the fence and the road but not to make any major changes -- such as putting in the fountain he proposes. For the octogenarians, he said, "spending more than $10 was anathema." Now, he said, "people are probably willing to spend money but everyone's a boss -- SO they don't want the fountain unless it's the way they want it." In a way, Mr. Lee said, the new mega-rich of Louisburg Square are not really a change, either, but only the continuation of a cycle. "After all," he said, "class in America has always been wealth. In Boston, it got to be a little bit more than that because Bostonians invest their money very prudently and lived simply and therefore could pass it along from generation to generation". But, he said, 'All these things are only a matter of time. It only takes two generations to get smug.i A version of this article appears in print on Feb. 18, 1999, Section A, Page 16 of the National edition with the headline: Behind the Curtains of Boston's Best Neighborhood, a New Elite TENTH GENERATION. 1049 16. X. 293. William Henry Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238], born in Salem. An attorney-at-law. Residence: Colorado. 16. X. 293. Evaline Cressy, his wife, born in Salem. Mrs. Dalrymple married, as her second husband, Woodbury, of Beverly, Mass. Mrs. Woodbury is a daughter of Charles Cressy, of Salem. ANCESTRY TABLES Hi 16. X. 296. Kate Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238]. For an account of her, see page 838. 16. X. 296. Aaron Perkins, her husband. His number in direct descent is [15. IX. 235]. For an account of him, see page 838. 16. X. 298. Francis Tukey Dalrymple [James 16. IX. 238], born in Salem. Assistant secretary of the Holyoke Mutual Insurance Company, of Salem. Residence: Salem. 16. X. 298. Sarah Metella Swasey, his wife, born in Fall River, Mass. Mrs. Dalrymple is a daughter of Antony H. De Wolf and Sarah Chase (Ripley) Swasey. He was a carpenter and builder, of Mobile, Ala. ANCES- TRY TABLES x 17. X. 299. Anna Barker Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston, died in New York City. 17. X. 299. Joseph Thoron, her husband, born in Candia, Island of Crete. A commission merchant. Residence: New York City. Mr. Thoron, although actively engaged in business, is interested in, and devotes much time to, the charities of New York. He is the president of the French Benevolent Society, and is one of the founders of the French Catholic Club. Mr. Thoron is a son of Paul and Louise (Consinéry) Thoron. His father was French Consul at the Island of Crete, during the First Empire. The family belongs to the south of France. ANCESTRY TABLES 1050 THE PICKERING GENEALOGY. 17. X. 300. Lydia Gray Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston. 17. X. 300. Richard von Hoffman, her husband, born in Leip- zig, Saxony. Residence: Villa Paulina, Obermais, Meran, Sud Tyrol, Austria. Freiherr Richard von Hoffman is a knight of the first class of his SOV- ereign's order. He has owned, since July, 1870, the Villa Celimotana, known formerly as Villa Mattei, in Rome, Italy, renowned for its beautiful grounds, and its views of ancient Rome and the Alban Hills. Mr. and Mrs. Hoffman resided there from 1871 to 1879; but in 1880 they settled in Frei- burg, Germany, for the education of their sons. He is a son of Baron Louis Ferdinand and Paulina Elizabeth (Mayer) von Hoffman, of Leipzig and Dresden, Saxony. ANCESTEY TABLES 17. X. 301. Thomas Wren Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Boston. A banker. Residence: New York City. 17. X. 301. Sophia Read Howard, his wife. Mrs. Ward is a daughter of Charles Ridgely, and Elizabeth Anne (Waters) Howard, of Waverly, Howard County, Md. Her ancestry in- cludes the following families: Howard, Carroll, Eager, Murray, Chew, Ayres, Benson, Galloway, Oswald, Caruau, Ridgely, Dorsey, Ely, Dorsey, Ely, Warfield, Hill, Waters. See ANCESTRY TABLES 17. X. 302. Elizabeth Hazard Ward [Samuel G. 17. IX. 241], born in Brooklyn, N. Y. 17. X. 302. Ernst von Schönberg (Roth Schönberg), her husband. Residence: Schloss Pallus, bei Brixen, Sud Tyrol, Austria. Baron von Schönberg is the second son of Baron von Schönberg. His mother, the baroness, was Emily Malortic, descended from an old Norman feudal family bearing the titles of Marquis de Villars and Baron de Bismont. The family of von Schönberg belongs to the older nobility of Austria. ANCESTRY TABLES HAWTHORNE'S enox THE ANGLEWOOD CIRCLE CORNELIA BROOKE GILDER WITH JULIA CONKLIN PETERS 2008 Charleston London History PRESS of3 CONTENTS Acknowledgements 9 Introduction 13 The Sedgwicks and the Hive 15 The Wards and the Bullards at Highwood 23 Tanglewood and the Tappans 35 The Hawthornes and the Red House 43 The Perch and Fanny Kemble 49 Summerwood and Sarah Starr Lee 55 Reverend Cook and the Dorrs at Highlawn 59 Beecher Hill 63 The Aspinwalls and Woolseys at Woodcliff 67 The Haggertys and Vent Fort 71 The Schermerhorns and Pinecroft 77 The Ellery Sedgwicks and the Elms 81 The Higginsons and Mahkeenac Farm 87 The Hoopers and Nestledown 91 Afterword: Touring Lenox's Hawthorne-era Houses Fifty Years Later with Henry James and Edith Wharton 97 Appendix: Literary and Social Neighbors in the Berkshires of Hawthorne's Day 103 Notes 109 Bibliography 119 Index 123 About the Authors 127 lof3 THE WARDS AND THE BULLARDS AT HIGHWOOD D esigned by a leading New York City architect for an extraordinary Boston couple, Highwood launched the era of elegant country houses in the Berkshires. Now owned by the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Highwood's identity has become merged with the neighboring Tanglewood grands of the Boston Symphony Orchestra. It all began in 1844 on a dreary day in the third week of March, when a handsome, well-heeled twenty-seven-year-old Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) strode across Daniel Barnes's brown, tufted meadow with a glorious view of Lake Mahkeenac and pronounced it "very good." His amused guide, the Berkshire clerk of courts Charles Sedgwick, who had been a Lenox resident for over twenty years, wrote to his daughter Bessie, "I cannot help thinking that he has some sinister purpose in his dogged determination to settle in Lenox." He asked Bessie, in Boston on a visit, to make discreet inquiries about this delightful Mr. Ward. ² Sedgwick soon found out for himself that Ward was no ordinary gentleman, and that Anna, his w fe, was equally winning. He arranged temporary lodgings for them in Lenox,3 and with n months the Wards and Sedgwicks were dining together and swapping everything from philosophical ideas and prized books to celery plants and manure. Ralph Waldo Emerson or Margaret Fuller might have enlightened Sedgwick about his new neighbors. Samuel Ward was a much-admired friend and a regular member of Emerson's Transcendentalist circle in Concord. The usually unworldly philosopher was frankly awed by :his well-traveled, trilingual, literate and artistic younger man. Unlike most intellectuals, Ward also possessed a comfortable income and valued business connections. His father was one of the leading international bankers of the day. Margaret Fuller had introduced Ward to Emerson in 1838. At that time, Ward was still a bachelor. Fuller, an intensely complicated, homely bluestocking from an intellectual and destitute family, fell for him. Ward credited Fuller for kindling in him a love of literature and encouraging his own writing. As editor of The Dial, she began publishing Note: The Sanuel G. Ward family " in 1844 left Boston for Lenny/Stockbridge end a new agrarian way of life. This experiment ended in 1850 when the health of his father required a return to the business interests that he had avoided. Their home, " Highwood was left behand. See Lenox file. Carole Owens. The Bechsheres, 2004 Charleston, S.C.: Arcedia Publishing - HIGHWOOD, 1845. At Highwood, Sam Ward entertained Jenny Lind, Fanny Kemble, Margaret Fuller, George Inness, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Catharine Sedgwick, but on this day, he was waiting for the chimney man. "December 16, 1845, Richard, In a new house, at this season of the year after sparing no noine 1.10 FEB-23-2006 12:48 WELLESLEY COLLEGE 781 283 3640 P. 02 New England Quanterly (1946). MEMORANDA AND DOCUMENTS EMERSON'S FRIENDS AND THE ESSAY ON FRIENDSHIP JOHN BARD McNULTY E it is true, as Emerson believed, that the finding of a new friend is a great event, the years 1838 to 1840 must be counted among the most eventful in his life. His friendship with Thoreau began early in 1838. In June of the same year, through the agency of his friend Margaret Fuller, he met Caroline Sturgis, whom he was soon to call "sister"-on of the most brilliant lights in the constellation of Boston society. In August, again under the aegis of Margaret Fuller, his friendship began with Samuel Gray Ward, a traveled and cultured lover of art, the son of a Boston banking family, The next year, in October, Miss Fuller introduced him to Anna Barker, 'that very human piece of divinity," who later became Ward's wife. As for Margaret Fuller herself, Emerson had first entertained her at Concord in 18g6, Subsequently, his letters to her were ad- dressed to "My dear Miss Fuller," and later to "My dear Friend," and still later to "Excellent Friend," and finally in August 1840 to "My dear Margaret." In May 1840 he wrote his first letter to Car- lyle's friend, the Scottish critic and poet, John Sterling, whom he was never to meet, though the two became fast friends. Such sudden access of friendship was certain to exercise the most profound effect upon Emerson, who regarded himself as something of a hermit. The warmth of friendship was almost a novel sensa- tion to him. He wrote of it to Carlyle and to his other friends; he debated it with Margaret Fuller and Caroline Sturgis. Finally, in the summer of 1840, he wrote his essay, "Friendship." "My friends have come to me unsought," Emerson declared in his essay. This, in general, was true; but of no one was it truer than of Sarah Margaret Fuller, who more than any other individual was responsible for getting Emerson to write "Friendship." She first en- tered Emerson's home in July, 1836, thereby achieving a goal to- ward which she had been striving for about two years. He was not a little dismayed by the newcomer. "She had a face and frame that would indicate fullness and tenacity of life," he recalled. "She was 390 FEB-23-2006 12:49 WELLESLEY COLLEGE 781 283 3640 P.03 MEMORANDA AND DOCUMENTS 391 rather under the middle height; her complexion was fair, with strong fair hair. She was then, as always, carefully and becomingly dressed, and of ladylike self-possession. For the rest, her appearance had nothing prepossessing. Her extreme plainness,-a trick of in- cessantly opening and shutting her eyelids,-the nasal tone of her voice,-al repelled; and I said to myself, we shall never get far." But Margaret Fuller and Emerson had too much in common not to get on well. She had read Ovid, Shakespeare, Cervantes, and Molière before reaching her teens; she recognized the importance of Carlyle, the greatness of Goethe, the vitality of transcendental- ism. In 1837 she was admitted to the Transcendental Club. In July, 1840 she brought out, as editor, the first issue of The Dial. Emerson's collaboration with her in this vènture brought the two closer together than ever. In the meanwhile, she had developed new interests which she shared with Emerson. They discussed painting and drawing. Late in 1839 she had begun her famous Con- versations, which drew together the most brilliant women of Bos- ton-the Peabody sisters, Elizabeth Hoar, Lydia Child, Mrs. Theo- dore Parker among them. The most interesting of her wide circle of friends she intro- duced to Emerson. Thus she supplied him with what may be called the raw material of his essay on friendship. She introduced a thoughtful recluse to a group of charming friends; and the hermit began to contemplate with renewed interest the beauties and won- ders of friendship. His letters to his friends, and his Journal notes about them he later used in his essay, Margaret Fuller all but forced Emerson into writing "Friend- ship" by criticizing his frostiness toward his friends. 44 I rode with Margaret to the plains," he wrote in his Journal for August 16, 1840. "She taxed me, as often before, so now more explicitly, with inhospitality of Soul. She and C. [Caroline Sturgis] would gladly be my friends, yet our intercourse is not friendship, but lit- erary gossip. I count and weigh, but do not love. They make no progress with me, but however often we have met, we still meet as strangers. They feel wronged in such relation The accusations of Margaret and Caroline nettled Emerson. In a series of letters in 1840 to these two women he defended himself R, W. Emerson, W.H. Channing, and J.F. Clarke, Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli (Boston, 1852), I, 102. FEB-23-2006 12:49 WELLESLEY COLLEGE (01200 0046 1.04 392 THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY against their charges. "If I count & weigh," he wrote Caroline, "I love also. I cannot tell you how warm & glad the naming of your names makes my solitude." On this question he felt that his back was to the wall. His Journal jotting about Margaret's taxing him "as so often before" with inhospitality of soul coincides almost ex- actly with his completing a draft of "Friendship" and sending it off to Samuel Gray Ward for criticism, There can be no doubt that Margaret Fuller, seconded by Caroline Sturgis, prompted Emer- son's writing of "Friendship." The essay was more than an expo- sition of his views; it was his self-defence. When he came to the actual writing of the essay in the summer of 1840, Emerson drew, of course, upon his experience with his friends. But he went further. He wrote into the fabric of "Friend- ship" lines which he had originally written to the friends them- selves, or which he had written about them in his Journal. The more one examines this aspect of "Friendship," the more its superfi- cial frostiness melts. In the essay Emerson writes, "We are armed all over with subtle antagonisms. Almost all people descend to meet"-and a good deal more in the same vein-all of which seems forbidding enough until we consider that he had written these words over a year earlier in a chatty letter to Margaret Fuller. "I chide society, I embrace solitude," he wrote in his essay. These words he took from his Journal for July 14, 1839, at which time he was chiding society and embracing solitude by entertaining his de- lightful friend Caroline Sturgis as a house guest. Emerson's friends are everywhere in his essay. "I awoke this morning with devout thanksgiving for my friends, the old and the new My come to me unsought, The great God gave them to me." He transferred these lines to the essay from a Journal passage about his good friend across the sea, John Ster- ling.4 "A new person is to me a great event," he wrote in the essay, repeating the very words he had written in his Journal after his Letter dated August 16, 1840, in The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ralph Leslie Rusk, editor (New York, 1939), 11, 925. a Letter dated October 12, 18g8, in Letters, II, 168. The entire passage com. prises 81 words; the corresponding passage in the Essay comprises 78 words. Thus the two, passages, though similar in most points, are not identical. For example, the letter reads "these subtle antagonisms." In the following notes I have not indicated such slight variations. Entry for December 8, 1859, in Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, E. W. Emerson and W. E. Forbes, editors (Boston and New York, 1911), v, 952. FEB-23-2006 12:49 WELLESLEY COLLEGE 781 283 3640 P. .05 MEMORANDA AND DOCUMENTS 393 first meeting with Anna Barker.5 His friend Jones Very is described in some detail in the essay. Carlyle, too, is represented in the lines near the beginning about the pleasure of writing to a friend. This passage is taken from the Journal for April 22, 1835, where Emer- son writes of "Carlyle the wise, the brave." On July 14. 1840, Emer- son wrote to Samuel Gray Ward, "I have got my 'Essay on Friend- ship' now into some shape, not yet symmetrical but approximate to that, and though it is longer than it was when I proposed to send it to you, yet it shall go. I shall not want it for some weeks." In an earlier letter (June 22) he had written "the piece is already in- debted to you." From all this it is clear that Emerson originally wrote certain pas- sages in "Friendship" with Carlyle in mind, or Sterling, or Very, or Margaret Fuller, or Caroline Sturgis, or Anna Barker; and perhaps with Ward and Thoreau, I do not wish to imply that the essay as a whole may be broken up and assigned to one or another of Emer- son's friends, but only that his experience and intercourse with these friends, in all its freshness, has been transferred directly into the fabric of the essay. Though he certainly did not write "Friendship" for the mem- bers of a private circle, Emerson remembered that his friends would be among his readers. "High thanks I owe to you," he wrote in the essay, "excellent lovers, who carry out the world for me to new and noble depths, and enlarge the meaning of all my thoughts." He sought to explain his apparent remoteness from his friends; to clear himself of the charge of coldness in friendship: "It would indeed give me a certain household joy to quit this lofty seeking, this spiritual astronomy or search of stars, and come down to warm sympathies with you; but then I know well I shall mourn always the vanishing of my mighty gods. It is true, next week I shall have languid moods, when I can well afford to occupy my- self with foreign objects; then I shall regret the lost literature of your mind, and wish you were by my side again. But if you came, perhaps you would fill my mind only with new visions; not with yourself but with your lustres, and I shall not be able any more than now to converse with you." Emerson does not reach a solu- 5 Entry for October 7. 1889. in Journals, V, 278-279, a Letters of Emerson to a Friend, C. E. Norton, editor (Boston and New York, 18gg). e6. Letters of Emerson to A Friend, 21, FEB-23-2006 12:50 WELLESLEY COLLEGE 781 283 3640 P. 08 894 THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY tion of this problem. Neither lofty seeking nor warm sympathy wholly satisfies him. And he confides to his Journal, "Yet would nothing be SO grateful to me as to melt once for all these icy barriers, and unite with these lovers." It is interesting that both passages quoted above from "Friendship" are, unlike most of the essay, addressed to the second person. Here are special messages for his friends. The face value of "Friendship" is a little deceptive. It seems at first to be an austere and exacting treatment of a subject which should evoke warmth and humanity. And, indeed, we do find both warmth and humanity when we look closely, Emerson's friends prompted the essay; a letter to one of them is quoted in it; Journal observations about them are worked into it; his friends are directly addressed in it; it was sent to a friend for criticism. Probably there were times when Emerson actually felt that he was writing it for his friends, Yet these intimate details are all but hidden. What Emerson says of himself in a letter to Caroline Sturgis he might well have said of the essay: "Perhaps it is ungrateful never to testi- fy by word to those whom we love, how much they are our bene- factors. But to my thought this is better to remain a secret from the lips to soften only the behaviour," HAWTHORNE AND THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH GILBERT P. VOICT I view of the conversion to Roman Catholicism of a significant number of present-day men and women of letters, it is interest- ing to note the attitude of Nathaniel Hawthorne toward the Roman Catholic Church, which assumes a prominent role in The Marble Faun, When Hawthorne entered Italy in 1858, he was still essentially a Puritan, who had been reared in a region of strong anti-Catholic prejudice. This prejudice is expressed by Kenyon in The Marble Faun. Hawthorne's Calvinistic theology had been scarcely affected Letter dated August 16, 1840, in Letters, II, 845. 9 Entry for August 16, 1840, in Journals, V, 45%. TOTOI P as Walks with Ellery Channing. 27 WALKS WITH ELLERY CHANNING. THE following extracts from the MS. speech and a tone that is tremulous with diaries of Ralph Waldo Emerson are emotion, that he is a flower in the wind. here for the first time offered to the Ellery said his poems were proper love public, with the consent of his children. poems; and they were really genuine They describe with utter frankness his fruits of a fine, light, gentle, happy in- walks, talks, and excursions with his tercourse with his friends. C.'s [Chan- younger neighbor and friend, the late ning's eyes are a compliment to the hu- William Ellery Channing, usually known man race; that steady look from year as Ellery Channing, to distinguish him to year makes Phidian Sculpture and from his uncle and godfather, the emi- Poussin landscape still real and contem- nent divine. The younger Channing porary, and a poet might well dedicate resided for the greater part of his life himself to the fine task of expressing in Concord, and clearly inspired in Em- their genius in verse. erson much admiration for his rare gifts, 1843. Ellery, who hopes there will as well as a warm affection for his way- be no cows in heaven, has discovered ward and recluse temperament. This what cows are for, namely, it was two- combination of feeling shows Emerson fold, (1) to make easy walking where in a light almost wholly new to the gen- they had fed, and (2) to give the farm- eral reader, exhibiting him, not merely ers something to do in summer-time. All as a warm and even tender friend, but this haying comes at midsummer be- as one fully able to recognize the limita- tween planting and harvest when all tions and even defects of the man he loved hands would be idle but for this cow and and to extend to him, when needful, the ox which must be fed and mowed for; frankest criticism. With all our previous and thus intemperance and the progress knowledge of Emerson, it may yet be of crime are prevented. truly said that he has nowhere been re- 20 May. Walked with Ellery. In vealed in SO sweet and lovable a light the landscape felt the magic of color; as in these detached fragments. His the world is all opal, and those ethereal relations with Thoreau may have come tints the mountains wear have the finest nearest to this friendship with Channing; effects of music upon us. Mountains but in dealing with the self-reliant Tho- are great poets, and one glance at this reau, he had not to face a nature SO com- fine cliff scene undoes a great deal of plex, so shy, or so difficult to reach. It prose and reinstates us wronged men in might well be of this friendship that Em- our rights. erson wrote, in his essay bearing that Ellery thinks that very few men carry title, 'Let it be an alliance of two large the world in their thoughts. But the ac- formidable natures, mutually beheld, mu- tual of it is thus, that every man of me- tually feared, before yet they recognize diocre health stands there for the sup- the deep identity which beneath these dis- port of fourteen or fifteen sick; and parities unites them." though it were easy to get his own bread T. W. H. with little labor, yet the other fourteen SGW damn him to toil. Probably 1841, 10 December. A Ellery said the village [of Concord] good visit to Boston. saw S. G. W. did not look SO very bad from our point; Ward and Ellery [Channing to ad- the three churches looked like geese vantage. E. has such an affectionate swimming about in a pond. Atlantic blonthly July, 1902. 28 Walks with Ellery Channing. W. E. C. railed an hour in good set He breaks faith with the reader, wants terms at the usurpation of the past, at the integrity. Yet, for poets, it will be a great hoaxes of the Homers and Shake- better book than whole volumes of Bry- speares, hindering the books and the men ant and Campbell. of to-day of their just meed. Oh, cer- A man of genius is privileged only as tainly ! I assure him that the oaks and far as he is a genius. His dullness is as the horse-chestnuts are entirely obsolete, insupportable as any otherdullness. Only that the Horticultural Society are about success will justify a departure and a to recommend the introduction of cab- license. But Ellery has freaks which bage as a shade tree, SO much more con- are entitled to no more charity than the venient and every way comprehensible; dullness or madness of others, which he all grown from the seed upward to its despises. He uses a license continually most generous crumpled extremity with- which would be just in oral improvisa- in one's own short memory, past contra- tion, but is not pardonable in written diction the ornament of the world, and verses. He fantasies on his piano. then SO good to eat, as acorns and horse- Elizabeth Hoar said that he was a chestnuts are not. Shade trees for break- wood-elf which one of the maids in a fast. story fell in love with and then grew Ellery's poetry shows the art, though uneasy, desiring that he might be bap- the poems are imperfect; as the first da- tized. Margaret [Fuller said he re- guerres are grim things, yet show that a minded one of a great Genius with a great engine has been invented. wretched little boy trotting before him. Ellery's verses should be called poetry 1846. Channing thinks life looks for poets. They touch the fine pulses of great and inaccessible and constantly at- thought and will be the cause of more tacks us, and notwithstanding all our poetry and of verses more finished and struggles is eating us up. better turned than themselves but I Sunday, September 20. Suffices El- cannot blame the N. Americans [N. lery Channing a mood for a poem. Reviews and Knickerbockers if they "There, I have sketched more or less in should not suspect his genius. When that color and style. You have a sam- the rudder is invented for balloons, rail- ple of it, what more would you get if I roads will be superseded, and when El- worked on forever?" He has no pro- lery's muse finds an aim, whether some position to affirm or support, he scorns passion, or some fast faith, and kind of it. He has, first of all Americans, a string on which all these wild and some- natural flow, and can say what he will. times brilliant beads can be strung, we I say to him, if I could write as well as shall have a poet. Now he fantasies you, I would write a good deal better. merely, as dilettante in music. He breaks No man deserves a patron until first faith continually with the intellect. The he has been his own. What do you sonnet has merits, fine lines, gleams of bring us slipshod verses for? no occa- deep thought, well worth sounding, well sional delicacy of expression or music of worth studying. if only I could confide rhythm can atone for stupidities. Here that he had any steady meaning before are lame verses, false rhymes, absurd him, that he kept faith with himself but images, which you indulge yourself in, I fear that he changed his purpose with which is as if a handsome person should every verse, was led up and down to this come into a company with foul hands or or that with the exigencies of the rhyme, face. Read Collins Collins would have and only wanted to write and rhyme some- cut his hand off before he would have what, careless how or what, and stopped left, from a weak self-esteem, a shabby when he came to the end of the paper. line in his ode. Walks with Ellery Channing. 29 1847. Channing wished we had a has seen service, and had wear and tear better word than Nature to express this of the world for centuries, and now the fine picture which the river gave us in article is brand-new. So Pope had but our boat, yesterday. "Kind' was the one good line, and that he got from old word which, however, only filled half Dryden, and therefore Pope is the best the range of our fine Latin word. But and only readable English poet. nothing expresses that power which Channing has a painter's eye, an ad- seems to work for beauty alone, as C. mirable appreciation of form and espe- said, whilst man works only for use. cially of color. But when he bought The Mikania scandens, the steel-blue pigments and brushes, and painted a berries of the cornel, the eupatoriums landscape with fervor on a barrel-head, enriched now and then by a well-placed he could not draw a tree so that his wife cardinal adorned the fine shrubbery with could surely know it was a tree. So Al- what Channing called judicious modest cott, the philosopher, has not an opinion colors, suited to the climate, nothing ex- or an apothegm to produce. travagant, etc. Ellery C. declared that wealth is ne- 1848. I find W. E. C. always in cun- cessary to every woman, for then she ning contraries. He denies the books won't ask you when you go out whether he reads, denies the friends he has just you will call a hack. Every woman has visited; denies his own acts and pur- a design on you - all, all - if it is only poses By God, I do not know them," just a little message. But Mrs. H. rings and instantly the cock crows. The per- for her black servant. petual non sequitur in his speeches is ir- Ellery was witty on Xantippe and the resistibly comic. philosophers old and new and compared Ellery affirms, that James Adams, one to a rocket with two or three mill- the cabinet maker, has a true artistic stones tied to it, or to a colt tethered eye for he is always measuring the to a barn. man he talks with for his coffin." He celebrates Herrick as the best of He says that Hawthorne agrees with English poets, a true Greek in England him about Washington, that he is the a great deal better poet than Milton who, extreme of well-dressed mediocrity. he says, is too much like Dr. Channing. If he was Mr. Bowditch [President Yesterday, 28 October. Another walk of the Life Insurance Company] he with Ellery well worth commemoration, would never insure any life that had any if that were possible but no pen could infirmity of goodness in it. It is Good- write what we saw. It needs the pencils win who will catch pickerel if he had of all the painters to aid the description. any moral traits, he 'd never get a bite. November 19. Yesterday, a cold fine He says writers never do anything ride with Ellery to Sudbury Inn and some of them seem to do, but do not. mounted the side of Nobscot. "T is a H.T. [Thoreau] will never be a writer; pretty revolution effected in the land- he is as active as a shoemaker. The scape by turning your head upside down merit of Irving's Life of Goldsmith is an infinite softness and loveliness is add- that he has not had the egotism to put ed to the picture. Ellery declared it in a single new sentence ; 't is agreeable made Campagna of it at once so, he said, repetition of Boswell, Johnson & Com- Massachusetts is Italy upside down. pany and Montaigne is good, because 26 November. Yesterday walked over there is nothing that has not already Lincoln hills with Ellery and saw golden been cured in books. A good book be- willows, savins with two foliages, old ing a Damascus blade, made by welding chestnuts, apples as ever. old nails and horseshoes. Everything What fine weather is this," said El- 30 Walks with Ellery Channing. lery, as we rode to Acton, nothing of water all naturel, and in winter they immortality here serve it up artistically in this crystal Life is so short," said he, that I johnny-cake; and he had observed the should think that everybody would steal." same thing at the confectioners' shops, I like Stow. He is a very good char- that he could never get but one thing acter. There is only a spoonful of wit, there, though [they] had two ways of and ten thousand feet of sandstone." making it up. He told Edmund Hosmer that he did 14 December. Every day shows a not see but trouble was as good as any- new thing to veteran walkers. Yester- thing else if you only had enough of it." day, reflections of trees in the ice; snow- He says Humour is unlaughed fun." flakes, perfect, on the ice; beautiful He said of Stow's poor Irishman that groups of icicles all along the eastern he died of too much perspiration." shore of Flint's Pond, in which, espe- He thinks our Thurston's disease is cially where encrusting the bough of a a paralysis of talent." tree, you have the union of the most Of H.D.? [Thoreau] hesaid, " Why, flowing with the most fixed. Ellery all yes, he has come home, but now he has the way squandering his jewels as if they got to maximize the minimum, and that were icicles, sometimes not comprehend- will take him some days." [This irresist- ed by me, sometimes not heard. "How ibly suggests Thoreau's noted sentence, many days can Methusalem go abroad " I have traveled a great deal - in Con- and see somewhat new When will he cord."] have counted the changes of the kaleido- [Apparently a quotation from Ellery scope?' Channing's talk.] "Drive a donkey 1850. Then came the difference be- and beat him with a pole with both hands tween American and English scholars. that's action; but poetry is revolu- H. said the English were all bred in one tion on its own axis." way, to one thing, they went to Eton, He says he has an immense dispersive they went to college, they went to Lon- power. don, they all knew each other and never How well they [the stars wear did not feel [i. e., never doubted] the He thought a man could still get along ability of each. But here Channing is with them, who was considerably re- obscure, Newcomb is obscure, and so all duced in his circumstances ; they are a the scholars are in a more natural, health- kind of bread and cheese which never ful, and independent condition. fail. W. E. C. said A. [Alcott] is made of 1849, November 17. Yesterday saw earth and fire he wants air and water. the fields covered with cobwebs in every How fast all this magnetism would lick direction, on which the wake of the set- up water He discharges himself in ting sun appeared as on water. Walked volleys. Can you not hear him snap over hill and dale with Channing, who when you are near him ? found wonders of color and landscape 1852. Walk with Ellery to Lincoln everywhere, but complained of the want benzoin, laurus, rich beautiful plant in of invention Why, they had frozen this dried-up country parti-colored war- water last year why should they do it bler. E. laughed at Nuttall's descrip- again Therefore it was so easy to be tion of birds, On the top of a high tree an artist, because they do the same thing the bird pours all day the lays of affec- always, and therefore he only wants time tion," etc. Affection ! Why, what is it to make him perfect in the imitation A few feathers, with a hole at one end, and I believe, too, that pounding is one and a point at the other, and a pair of of the secrets." All summer he gets wings ; Affection Why, just as much Walks with Ellery Channing. 31 affection as there is in that lump of peat. the gay scenes. Hehas a stroke of humor We went to Bear Hill, and had a fine in his eye, as if he enjoyed his master's outlook. Descending, E. got sightof some jokes - Ellery "thinks England a flash laborers in the field below. Look at them, in the pan; as English people in 1848 he said, those four four demoniacs had agreed that Egypt was humbug. I scratching in their cell of pain Live am to put down among the monomaniaes for the hour Just as much as any man the English agriculturist, who only knows has done or laid up in any way, unfits one revolution in political history, the him for conversation. He has done some- rape-culture. But as we rode, one thing thing, makes him good for boys, but spoils was clear, as oft before, that is favora- him for the hour. That's the good of ble to sanity the occasional change of Thoreau, that he puts his whole sublu- landscape. If a girl is mad to marry, nary capital into the last quarter of an let her take a ride of ten miles, and see hour; carries his whole stock under his meadows, and mountains, she never saw arm. t home I found H. T. [Thoreau] before, two villages and an old mansion himself who complained of Clough or house and the odds are, it will change somebody that he or they recited to every all her resolutions. World is full of fools, one at table, the paragraph just read by who get a-going and never stop; them him or them in the last newspaper, and off on another tack, and they are half- studiously avoided everything private. I cured. From Shawsheen we went to Bur- should think he was complaining of one lington and E. reiterated his conviction, H. D. T. [Thoreau himself]. that the only art in the world is land- 1853. Yesterday a ride to Bedford scape-painting. The boys held up their with Ellery along the Bedford Levels" fish to us from far a broad new pla- and walked all over the premises of the card on the walls announced to us that Old Mill, King Philip's mill, - on the the Shawsheen mill was for sale; but we Shawsheen River ; old mill, with sundry bought neither the fish nor the mill. nondescript wooden antiquities. Boys 1854. Delicious summer stroll through with bare legs were fishing on the little the endless pastures of Barrett, Buttrick, islet in the stream; we crossed and re- and Esterbrook farms, yesterday, with crossed, saw the fine stumps of trees, Ellery the glory of summer, what mag- rocks and groves, and many Collot views nificence yet one night of frost will kill of the bare legs ; beautiful pastoral coun- it all. E. was witty on the Biographie try, but needs sunshine. There were Universelle - de soi-même. T. millions of light to-day, so all went well had been made to print his house into his (all but the dismal tidings which knelled title-page, in order that A. might have a funeral bell through the whole after- that to stick into one volume of the B.U. noon, in the death of S. S.). [Probably referring to Alcott's volumi- Rich democratic land of Massachu- nous journals.] setts, in every house well-dressed women 1856. November 15. Walk with with air of town ladies : in every house Ellery, who finds in Nature or man that a clavecin [harpsichord] and a copy of whatever is done for beauty or in sport the Spectator ; and some young lady a is excellent; but the moment there is reader of Willis. Channing did not like any use in it, or any kind of talent, is the landscape too many leaves - one very bad and stupid. The fox-sparrows leaf is like another and apt to be agi- and the blue snow-birds pleased him, and tated by east wind, on the other hand the water-cresses which we saw in the "Professor" (Ellery's dog) strode grave- brook, but which he said were not in ly as a bear through all the sentimental any botany. parts and fitted equally well the grave and When I said of Ellery's new verses 32 Walks with Ellery Channing. that they were as good as the old ones, S.6.w. perior to his early books wondered at Yes," said Ward, "but those were excel- his imagination which can invest with Tent promise and now he does no more." such interest to himself these (one would He has a more poetic temperament than think) hopeless details of German story. any other in America, but the artistic ex- He is the only man who knows. What ecutive power of completing a design he a reader, such as abound in New Eng- has not. His poetry is like the artless land, enwreathed by the thoughts they warbling of a vireo, which whistles pret- suggest to a contemplative pilgrim. tily all day and all summer on the elm, "Unsleeping truths by which wheels on but never rounds a tune, nor can increase Heaven's prime." the value of melody by the power of com- There is a neglect of superficial cor- position and cuneiform [sic] determina- rectness which looks a little studied, as tion. He must have construction also. if perhaps the poet challenged notice to As Linnaus delighted in a new flower his subtler melody, and strokes of skill which alone gave him a seventh class, or which recall the great masters. There filled a gap in his system, so I know a is nothing conventional in the thought man who served as intermediate between or the illustration, but thoughts that two notable acquaintances of mine, not voluntary move harmonious numbers," else to be approximated, and W. E. C. and pictures seen by an instructed eye. served as a companion of H. D. T., and Channing, who writes a poem for our T. of C. [Thoreau of Channing]. fields, begins to help us. That is con- In answer to evidences of immortal- struction, and better than running to ity, Ellery said, There is a great deal Charlemagne and Alfred for subjects. of self-importance, and the good Orien- W. E. C.'s poetry is wanting in clear tal who cuts such a figure was bit by statement. Rembrandt makes effects this fly." without details, gives you the effect of a He said of Boston, " There is a city sharp nose or a gazing eye, when, if you of 130,000 people, and not a chair in look close, there is no point to the nose, which I can sit." and no eye is drawn. W. M. Hunt ad- There often seems so little affinity be- mires this, and in his own painting puts tween him and his works that it seems his eye in deep shadow; but I miss the as if the wind must have written the eye, and the face seems to nod for want book and not he. of it. And Ellery makes a hazy, indefi- 1859. Secondary men and primary nite expression, as of miscellaneous music men. These travelers to Europe, these without any theme or tune. Still it is an readers of books, these youths rushing autumnal air, and like the smell of the into counting-rooms of successful mer- herb, Life Everlasting and syngenesious chants, are all imitators, and we get flowers. Near Home is a poem which only the same product weaker. But the would delight the heart of Wordsworth, man who never SO slowly and patiently though genuinely original and with a sim- works out his native thoughts is a pri- plicity of plan which allows the writer to mary person. leave out all the prose. "T is a series of Ellery said, looking at a golden-rod, sketches of natural objects. 'Ah! here they are. These things con- W. E. C., the model of opinionists, or sume a great deal of time. I don't weather painters. He has it his own way. know but they are of more importance People whose watches go faster than than any other of our investments." their neighbors'. Glad of Ellery's cordial praise of 1861. March 26. Yesterday wrote Carlyle's history, which he thinks well to F. G. Tuckerman to thank him for entitled to be called a 'Work," far su- his book Poems. Boston : 1860], and Walks with Ellery Channing. 33 praised Rhotruda [a poem]. Ellery C. May-days and parliaments of wit and finds two or three good lines and metres love, was no better to-day nor half SO in the book thinks it refined and deli- good as in some walks. cate, but says the young people run on a Ellery says : What a climate! notion that they must name the flowers, one day they take the cover off the sun, talk about an orchis, and say something and all the Irishmen die of drinking cold about Indians; but he says, "I prefer water; and the next day you are up to passion and sense and genius to botany." your knees in snow." Ellery says of Tennyson, 'What is He admires, as ever, the greatness in best is the things he does not say." Wilhelm Meister. "It is no matter He thinks these frogs at Walden are what Goethe writes about. There is no very curious but final facts; that they trifle; much superior to Shakespeare in will never be disappointed by finding this elevation." themselves raised to a higher state of A. B. A. [Alcott] said of W. E. C. intelligence. that he had the keen appetite for society Here is a right bit of Ellery C.: with extreme repulsion, SO that it came Helps's book, called Friends in Coun- to a kind of commerce of cats, love and cil, is inexpressibly dull." 'In this hate, embrace and fighting. manufacture the modern English excel. Ellery thinks that he is the lucky man Witness their Taylors, Wordsworths, who can write in bulk, forty pages on a Arnolds and Scotts (not Walter). Wise, hiccough, ten pages on a man's sitting elegant, moderate, and cultivated, yet down in a chair (like Hawthorne, etc.) unreadable." that will go. [Evidently referring to Ellery says of Thoreau : His effects the marvelous chapter in the House can all be produced by cork and sand of the Seven Gables, where Governor but the substance that produces them is Pyncheon sits dead in the lonely room. godlike and divine." And of C. [Cur- Ellery thinks that these waterside cot- tis ?], Yes, he would make a very tagers of Nahant and Chelsea, and SO on, good draughtsman, if he had any talent never see the sea. There, it is all dead for it." water, and a place for dead horses, and October 24. A ride yesterday to the smell of Mr. Kip's omnibus stable. Marlborough, though projected for years, But go to Truro, and go to the beach was no good use of the day. That town there, on the Atlantic side, and you will has a most rich appearance of rural have every stroke of the sea like the plenty, and comfort; ample farms, good cannon of the "sea-fencibles" [old-fash- houses, profusion of apples, pumpkins, ioned military companies for coast de- etc. Yellow apple heaps in every en- fense]. There is a solitude which you closure, whole orchards left ungathered, cannot stand more than ten minutes. and in the Grecian piazzas of houses, He thinks the fine art of Goethe and pumpkins ripening between the columns. company very dubious. and 't is doubtful At Gates's, where Dr. Channing and Mr. whether Sam Wardis quite in his senses S.G.W. Jonas Phillips used to resort, they no in his value of that book of prints of old longer keep a public house, closed it Italian school, Giotto and the rest. It to the public last spring. At Cutting's, may do for very idle gentlemen, etc., though there were oats for the horse, etc. I reply, There are a few giants there was no dinner for men, - SO we who gave the thing vogue by their real- repaired to the chestnut woods and an ism, Michel Angelo and Ribiera and old orchard, for ours. Ellery, who is a Salvator Rosa, and the man who made perpetual holiday, and ought only to be the old Torso Hercules and the Phidias used like an oriflamme or a garland for - man or men who made the Parthenon VOL. XC. - NO. 537. 3 34 Two Years' Legislation in Porto Rico. reliefs - had a drastic style which a just now in vain to restore a witty criti- blacksmith or a stone-mason would say cism of his, yesterday, on a book. was starker than their own. And I 1864. On the 24th of September adhere to [Van Waagen's?] belief, that Ellery and I walked through Becky there is a pleasure from works of art Stow's hole dry-shod hitherto a feat which nothing else can yield. for a muskrat alone. 1862. Matthew Arnold writes well This year the river meadows all dry of "the grand style," but the secret of and permeable to the walker. But why that is a finer moral sentiment. 'Tis should Nature always be on the gallop? very easy for Alcott to talk grandly, he Look now, and instantly, or you shall will make no mistake. 'T is certain never see it. Not ten minutes' repose that the poetic temperament of W. E. C. allowed. Incessant whirl? And 't is will utter lines and passages inimitable the same, I thought, with my compan- by any talent; 't is wood-thrush and ion's genius. You must carry a steno- cat-bird. graphic press in your pocket if you would His talk is criss-cross, humorsome, have his commentaries on things and humorous. I tormented my memory men or they are irrecoverable. TWO YEARS' LEGISLATION IN PORTO RICO. THE WORK OF THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF PORTO RICO, 1900-1902. THE problem of endowing our new- sults there actually accomplished will ly acquired insular possessions with po- exercise a profound influence upon the litical institutions and systems of law at management of affairs in our other pos- once conforming to American ideals of sessions. If the policies pursued in individual liberty and political justice, Porto Rico meet with success, they will and yet adapted to the peculiar condi- undoubtedly be used as a guide for action tions in each island and the character elsewhere. Everything, therefore, that of its inhabitants, constitutes one of the is done in Porto Rico in the way of work- greatest of the many responsibilities now ing out the problem of government and resting upon the American people. Of administration assumes an interest and the various possessions to which this importance to the whole United States problem relates Porto Rico occupies an almost as great as to Porto Rico itself. unique position from the fact that it is Civil government was organized in the first of the possessions coming to us Porto Rico on May 1, 1900. Its con- from Spain to be granted a civil govern- stitution is found in the so-called For- ment and a considerable measure of aker Act," approved by Congress April local autonomy. It is in this island, 12, 1900, which provides the Organic then, that the United States is really Act under which civil government is es- making its first essay in the field of tablished on the island. This act did governing a dependency. The capacity little more than set forth the bare out- of the United States to govern another lines of a scheme of central government, people may be said there to be on trial. leaving to the Porto Ricans its subsequent More than this, it is certain that the re- elaboration. Briefly, the act provided a Browson alcott His Life t Philosophy 2/20/2020 F.B. Sanborn +Wm Torrey Harris. Bostor, Robats 1893, Vol.2. Chapter 10 Life in Boston -Toen from after the alcaHts took up their above in Boston, 1848, Business blest begre to hold # 12 Envirations mine rooms alluest a St. Eay, 1849, a club wood ayough with a Resultable let D newters, ada have chosen N Everson, afterwords perpetected tol. Hoggins my in a more pursuant expenses in Negsort 104 member July 182 Jane G. Week lested a oc mately the Tour County Clet- thoff to does he not seill have a home in henox? Shert leved, francist indultedness led to its fature The was The Saturday Club January 6, 2019 p.46 Robert D. Rischardone. Wollow Junes Bostm HM, 2006. William visited the Wards, Tappans, Forbises whitent Sertificatehal 1861-62. Jun might have be be feest in teracts with the child whener bwedin c GBD, or just a reacquoratance Boston on Communicate are or still at Park St. p. 52 A denuer party at the word during the war p. 272 Sanuer people verity Chocorua resudence of the Jameses, included the Words. See taken for reference Touldors P 65 Service Gray Waedoor major backed the Aefassiz Expection ps. 1 f.2 Ed. The Letters of Margaret Fuller Robert N. Hadspeth Vol.3 1842 44. Ithaca Carrello.P., 1984. The Letters of Margaret Fuller 2. Jane Tuckerman, daughter of Gustavus Tuckerman of Boston, had been Fuller's pupil. She was a good friend of Caroline Sturgis. 3. Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1617-82), the Spanish painter. His Dos ninos man must needs be the painter of our country, and as one in the ser comiendo fruta was painted ca. 1650. ried ranks of his friends, I shall witness his victories over the immorial beauty, with some little satisfaction, as high as my nature will go to that line, which I do confess is not lofty. The very mould of this mans lace was built for the life of statues, buildings, and splendid lan scapes. He will set the century on fire, with the beauty of his concept 386. To Samuel G. Ward tions, and burn up the stubble of our degeneracy in a flame which shall lick away the stars. Once in five hundred years, God sends some Concord pitiful figure to convince us that we are only dead bones in his pres August 21st 1842 ence, and life springs into charming, from the touch of his finger, is The Sunday came with its usual contracts of sunlight, coolness, and il he did create. pleasure. But you came not with it, at which I did not grieve, for I I had linked these silly thoughts with you, and many times, in imaj have nothing to offer you, or any one, in society, though God knows I mation, have I" sat in your studio, and wept over my inadequal do bear you with me in my heart. I am under a painful weight of debt strength to grasp the greatness of your landscapes or statues in my to you for large store of kindnesses in the past, and in the present, eye, and played some comic part among your creations which were and am glad to find my faith does not diminish in your bounty, or my nigh to lunacy. Yet, it was not without a touch of ravishment, when affection grow cold in absence. I think you stand well among the fig- NEW you spring on shore after your Italian voyage, as light as som ures on my canvass,- a reasonable man, whom the demon of vanity creature of the element, and the translation of all the beauty of man has not led into idleness or contempt for his kind. I am free to carry centuries. I felt it was a glad hour for art, and that our Promethen you as a recollection which I am past doing for many, and only won- still held the divine fire on the point of his pencil. Of course, it wa der you have escaped all the nonsense of our day SO well and stand that you must be the Painter of the time, redeem our souls from thei steadily drudging at your broker's shop, like many another son of Lethean slumber, and waft us into the upper airs of felicity. Suel Adam. Whence came that broad prudence which has made its nest in were the silly tricks, my fatuous imagination played with the hones your brain, unless from Minerva herself? domain of common sense, for even then I had a pitiful snickering at shall never pay off even the interest of this large debt I owe you, ter verse, and already had made some wretched rhymes. of fine thoughts, of noble deeds, now running on SO many years, but (When I learned you were to become a merchant, to sit at the dead if there is any God who meets men face to face, and knows their mer- wood of the desk, and calculate figures, I was betrayed into some un its, I believe your goodness to me will not go unbalanced. I was born belief, as if this information was the lusus of a report, the shadow () to a fortune, though not of pence, for which last, truly, I cannot bow. the chimney's smoke. Yet it came true, as many another unbelief () I came in, to meet the splendid hearts of friends, who have matched mine has. their earliest gifts, every day down to this present; I have been con- I would you had starved yourself lean, for two-score years, over quered out of my desperate monodies, by the sounds of their cheerful few shavings in some garret, and therein fixed an iron spear in the speech. Yet, though I love them more, I am every day more careless hard breast of Art, and forced it to yield its elixir. I would that Ar of them, being but a poor creature at the best, and my only mercy had crushed you in its bronze vice, until your life ran out a rich wine with any at the nib of the pen. My speech to men has failed to pay its of beauty. Had only a great despair passed its stained fingers across dividends, yet my capital stock is not withdrawn. your temples, and drawn therein ten perpetual furrows. Had want will confess, once for all, I had longed to see you a painter, and showered early over your classic form its grey mantle of cloud, had not a merchant out of the intolerable stupidity of my nature, which you wept bitter tears, over five hundred failures of your pencil stung still owns a treacherous inkling for pictures and poems, and I have your palm, as though it had carried an asp to its handle> not even so far cured this miserable vanity, as not now and then to So wretched a mendicant am I, at the great gate of riches, and SO scribble some paltry line. used to gaze on you. and say to myself, this low are my conceptions of that ripe prudence which tarries in your in- tellect, as if fourscore years had unladen their mighty freights of ex- 88 89 page 2 of 2 The Letters of Margaret Fuller The Letters of Margaret Fuller perience in your mind, I feel assured, both by the honor I bear your find just the alternation of repose and satisfying pleasure that I need. deeds, and by the respect I feel that the path you now creep in is the [ ] best. Do not find fault with the hermits and scholars. The true text is:- I do but paint the shadows which intrude momentarily in my being and pass forever more over the fathomless lake of my existence. Yet I "Mine own Telemachus have been fortunate, and plucked some sunny spring-flowers, which He does his work-I mine." shake their blue bells over this ruin that I was. It matters not, in this brief and flying moment, which we call life, after all, what we accom- All do the work, whether they will or no; but he is "mine own Telema- plish. Unresting nature bathes each infant as he rises out of the vi- chus" who does it in the spirit of religion, never believing that the last sionless sea with these fair, gentle influences, and does not demand results can be arrested in any one measure or set of measures, lis- back even the husks of our joys. Ever swings at th' other end, the mel- tening always to the voice of the Spirit,-and who does this more ancholy portal at which we exit, a line of shadow between two worlds than [Waldo]? of spotless beauty. After the first excitement of intimacy with him,-when I was made SO happy by his high tendency, absolute purity, the freedom and infi- Who paints not here, nite graces of an intellect cultivated much beyond any I had known, Paints in that other sphere, And bends his line -came with me the questioning season. I was greatly disappointed in With forms divine. my relation to him. I was, indeed, always called on to be worthy,- this benefit was sure in our friendship. But I found no intelligence of By the stroke of the clock, I see the meridian hour sits full upon the my best self; far less was it revealed to me in new modes; for not only fields. Yon stately" elm, with its central shadow, else sheeted in this did he seem to want the living faith which enables one to discharge crown of sunlight, which ever day wears for the full noon hour, em- this holiest office of a friend, but he absolutely distrusted me in every blems again the picturesqueness of our fate. I see the tasselled corn region of my life with which he was unacquainted. The same trait I ripening in the glorious warmth; I do note the green turf of the bank detected in his relations with others. He had faith in the Universal, below me, and the blue of the peaceful sky. So infinitely genial may but not in the Individual Man; he met men, not as a brother, but as a also fall the noon-hour of your life, and the gratitude of your poor critic. Philosophy appeared to chill instead of exalting the poet. friend be" like some little birds' song in the grand meridian concert. But now I am better acquainted with him. His "accept" is true; the With which I also conclude myself, yours in love "I shall learn," with which he answers every accusation, is no less true. No one can feel his limitations, in fact, more than he, though he al- ways speaks confidently from his present knowledge as all he has yet, AMs (MII: IMS Am 1086 [9:91]). Endorsed in Fuller's hand: E to Rafaello. and never qualifies or explains. He feels himself "shut up in a crystal The letter probably is a copy made by Fuller. cell," from which only "a great love or a great task could release me," have II (I) have 11 You stately| Yo(u)n stately and hardly expects either from what remains in this life. But I already friend be) friend(s) be see SO well how these limitations have fitted him for his peculiar work, 1. In the mid-1830s Ward had gone to Europe with John and Eliza Farrar, a trip that I can no longer quarrel with them; while from his eyes looks out Fuller would have made had not her father died. the angel that must sooner or later break every chain. Leave him in his cell affirming absolute truth; protesting against humanity, if SO he appears to do; the calm observer of the courses of things. Surely, "he keeps true to this thought, which is the great matter." He has already 387. To William H. Channing[P] paid his debt to his time; how much more he will give we cannot know; but already I feel how invaluable is a cool mind, like his, amid August 1842 the warring elements around us. As I look at him more by his own Concord law, I understand him better; and as I understand him better, differ- Beneath this roof of peace, beneficence, and intellectual activity, I ences melt away. My inmost heart blesses the fate that gave me birth 90 T. of the Society of Architectural Historians 7 (1948): 17-20 Emerson and His Circle: Advocates Of Functionalism ROBERT B. SHAFFER Ralph Waldo Emerson has been largely ignored He was likewise impressed by the Cathedral of by historians of American architecture. But it is Milan : worth noting that he and certain friends, almost the grand Gothic perspective of the aisles, a century ago, were voicing a viewpoint which an- the colors of the light which all enters through ticipates that of the later advocates of function- stained glass, the richness and magnitude of all alism and related ideas. the objects,-truly it is good to be there." It is generally assumed that Emerson cared But while at Milan, he received an impression little for architecture. The basis for this assump- of a different kind: tion can be found in his own writings. At the "Architecture - shall I speak what I think - age of twenty-nine, while touring Italy in 1833, seems to me ever an imitation. Accustomed to he confessed that he was more interested in men look at our American churches as imitiative, I and associations than in art: cannot get it out of my head that these which I now see are only more splendid and successful " how evanescent and superficial is most of imitation also. It is in the soul that archi- that emotion which art and magnificence can tecture exists, and Santa Croce and this Duomo awaken. It yields in me to the interest the most are poor far-behind imitations. ordinary companion inspires.¹ A few years later (1836), he enlarged upon his "In Rome it is not the diameter nor the circum- distaste for imitative works in the following pas- ference of the columns, it is not the dimensions sage: nor the materials of the temples, which consti- tute their chief charm. It is the name of Cicero; "The Marine Railway, the United States Bank, it is the remembrance of Scipio and Cato and the Bunker Hill Monument, are perfectly genu- Regulus; the influence of human character ine works of the times. So is a speech in Con- gress. But Taylor's Van Artevelde, Byron's He admitted being perplexed by the calculating Sardanapalus, and Joanna Bailey's dramas are and analytical way in which he found himself futile endeavors to revive a dead form and can- looking at architecture, and concluded that he not succeed, nor, I think, can Greenough's sculpture. You must exercise your genius in "would rather know the metaphysics of architec- some form that has essential life now; do some- ture than anything else in the matter." thing which is proper to the hour, and cannot At the same time he showed enthusiastic appre- but be done. But what is once well done, lasts ciation of St. Peter's appeal to the senses: forever, as the Gladiator, the Apollo, the Parthenon, the Iliad. "I love St. Peter's church. It has a peculiar smell from the quantity of incense burned in it. Later generations of anti-revivalists might quar- n-15 The music that is heard in it is always good and rel with the examples cited, but not the principle. the eye is always charmed. It is an ornament of the earth. It is not grand, it is so rich and Emerson in 1841 developed his ideas on the pleasing; it should rather be called the sublime "metaphysics" of architecture in an article which of the beautiful. appeared in The Dial.9 He maintained that the soul is subservient to the universal mind, and that 1. Journals of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. Edward W. Emerson and Waldo Emerson Forbes (Boston, 1909-1914), III, 100. 6. Ibid., p. 143. 2. Ibid., D. 102. 7. Ibid., D. 146. 3. Ibid., p. 146. 8. Ibid., IV, 38-9. 4. Ibid., p. 147. 9. [R. W. Emerson], "Thoughts on Art," The Dial, I (1840-1), 5. Ibid., pp. 89-90. 367-878. 18 SOCIETY OF ARCHITECTURAL HISTORIANS therefore art, which is the creation of the soul, is Horatio Greenough, the American sculptor. strictly dependent upon Nature, which is the uni- Greenough was a superior man, ardent and elo- versal mind's representative. The division of Na- quent, and all his opinions had elevation and mag- nanimity He was a votary of the Greeks, and ture into the two aspects material and ideal - impatient of Gothic art. His paper on American led Emerson to the formulation of two interesting architecture, published in 1843 ['Remarks on doctrines. American Art,' in the United States Magazine and Since art is subservient to the material aspect Democratic Review] announced in advance the leading thoughts of Mr. Ruskin on the morality of Nature, it follows that works of art must con- in architecture, notwithstanding the antagonism form to natural laws. This applies especially to in their views of the history of art. I have a pri- architecture. One cannot build as he wishes, but vate letter from him - later, but respecting the as he must. "It is only within narrow limits that same period - in which he roughly sketches his the discretion of the architect may range. Gravity, own theory. 'Here is my theory of structure: A scientific arrangement of spaces and forms to func- wind, sun, rain, the size of men and animals, and tions and to site; an emphasis of features propor- such like, have more to say than he. "10 In other tioned to their gradated importance in function; words, form is determined by material properties color and ornament to be decided and arranged and physical laws. The architect cannot get free and varied by strictly organic laws, having a dis- tinct reason for each decision the entire and im- of this material basis, but on the other hand such mediate banishment of all make-shift and make- things as the mass of a building or the materials believe. "13 used can actually be a source of pleasure. Since art is also subservient to Nature in its In 1852, while Greenough was preparing his book, The Travels, Observations, and Experiences ideal aspect, works of art will be expressions of of a Yankee Stonecutter, for publication, he not the universal mind that formed Nature, and there- only exchanged a number of letters with Emerson fore must be based on reason and necessity. on the subject of art and architecture, but also "Arising out of eternal reason, one and perfect, consulted him in Concord. It is clear from letters whatever is beautiful rests on the foundation of written by Emerson during this year that he had the necessary Fitness is SO inseparable an ac- companiment of beauty, that it has been taken for great admiration and respect for Greenough's it. The most perfect form to answer an end, is SO theories. 14 far beautiful. We feel, in seeing a noble build- This exchange of ideas on architecture was ter- ing, which rhymes well, as we do in hearing a minated by Greenough's death in December 1852, perfect song, that it is spiritually organic, that is, had a necessity in nature, for being, was one of but Emerson had other friends, now obscure, who the possible forms in the Divine mind, and is now were thinking along similar lines. One of these only discovered and executed by the artist, not was Samuel Gray Ward, an amateur draftsman arbitrarily composed by him. and art connoisseur, described by Emerson as "my Thus close did Emerson come to formulating friend and the best man in the city.' 15 When the related doctrines of "honest construction, Emerson assumed the editorship of the Dial, he truthfully expressed," and "form following func- published Ward's essay, "Notes on Art and Ar- tion," both of which are more advocated at the chitecture, 16 which developed the ideas on func- present time than in his day. However, among tional form and expressive materials suggested by Emerson's friends there were several who held Emerson in the same periodical two years pre- similar views. viously. One of these friends was Horatio Greenough, Ward begins his article by hoping that his notes whose ideas on architecture are sufficiently modern may come to the eye of some person proposing to have been worthy of re-publication recently 12 to build a house or a church, in time to save a new It is not surprising that Emerson held him in great 13. From Emerson's English Traits, as quoted in The New Path, esteem: II (1865), 136. It is odd that this passage should have been chosen for publication in a periodical devoted to furthering the Gothic Revival according to Ruskin. "At Florence, chief among artists, I found [1833] 14. See The Letters of Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. R. L. Rusk 10. Ibid., 369. (New York, 1939), particularly IV, 271-2, 306, 311, 312. 11. Ibid., 375. 15 In a letter to Carlyle, quoted in The Correspondence of 12. Greenough's ideas have recently attracted attention through Thomas Carlyle and Ralph Waldo Emerson, ed. C. E. Norton (Bos- their republication by H. A. Small, ed., with the title Form and ton, 1897), II, 51-52. Function; remarks on art (Berkeley, 1947). 16. The Dial, IV (1843), 107-115. EMERSON AND HIS CIRCLE 19 edifice from some of the faults, which make our Another life-long friend of Emerson was James domestic and what we call our religious archi- Elliot Cabot. He was also a contributor to the tecture insignificant(2) He then continues "The Dial, and practiced architecture for a time (he crowning and damning sin of architecture with had a part in the design of the Boston Athenaeum). us is, the doing of unmeaning, needless things." He eventually became Emerson's literary executor. In building, there should be a reason for everything. He wrote several articles on domestic architecture "Let any man of good sense say to himself what for early issues of the Atlantic Monthly which sort of a house he would have for convenience, sup- found favor with Emerson, as Cabot was also posing him to have the space to build it on; then thinking along functional lines. let him frame and roof these rooms, and if he has made his house truly convenient, its appearance In his "Notes on Domestic Architecture," pub- cannot be absurd." lished in 1858, he takes note of the prevailing con- As for churches, fusion, which he attributes to attempts to beautify houses deliberately. These attempts are destined "If the builder would content himself with putting together essential parts with the utmost sim- to fail, for they ignore the "two-fold requirement plicity, without any excrescences or breaking up, of fitness for its use and of harmony with its sur- striving only to balance the members against each roundings." other, SO that each should have its proper propor- tion, he would produce a specimen of national "For a house is not a monument, that it should church architecture." draw attention to itself, - but the dwelling-place of men upon the earth; and it must show itself to But Ward warns against mistaking plainness for be wholly secondary to its purpose." simplicity. In order to become a work of art, He notes that Americans are more likely to be some adornment must be provided for these essen- successful when building a pig sty or a log house tial parts. But this adornment must be suitable. than they are when attempting to import "styles," "The artist may employ all his taste and imagina- an effort which is bound to fail because not based tion in decorations, (always entirely subordinate,) on real need. of these main parts, taking care that his decora- tions are in keeping with the uses of the building." "What is wanted for any real progress is more thoughtful consideration on the part of house- Ward, like Emerson, points out the importance owners of what truly interests them in the house. of the honest and expressive use of materials. What is it that we really care for in the build- ing of our houses? Is it not, that, like dress, or " every material should be employed with an manners, they should facilitate, and not impede eye to its peculiar properties. the business of life? They are to be lived in, "To see materials used skillfully and in accordance not looked at; and their beauty must grow naturally from their use. with their peculiar qualities is a great source of beauty in architecture. The vice of many of our Cabot amplified his position in an Atlantic ar- buildings is that the material is entirely dis- ticle in 1862.18 guised, all we see is a plain white surface. Have done with this paltry concealment; let us see "Because our architecture is bad, and because the how the thing is built.' architecture of our forefathers in the Middle Ages He criticizes the contemporary practice of using was good, Mr. Ruskin and others seem to think there is no salvation for us until we build in the Greek forms without adaptation, and points out same spirit as they did." that wooden columns should not be Greek in pro- portion, but "just SO large as is needful for the But Cabot feels that this position is not a rea- purpose for which they were erected." sonable one, because his own age has needs and Ward does not base his ideas on "Nature" to wants that the earlier people did not have. the extent that Emerson does, but examples from 'The only chance clearly is to cut away till we Nature are cited to support them. come to the solid ground of real, not fancied, re- quirement. As long as it is our whims, and not 'Architecture is a tendency to organization. in our necessities, that [we] build, it matters little natural organizations as the tree or the animal, we how much pains we take, how learned and as- see no part that has not a meaning and use, and siduous we are. I have no hope of any considerable each part of that material which answers to its end. 17. Atlantic Monthly, I (1858), 257-63. This also is a fundamental law of architecture.' 18. "House-Building," Atlantic Monthly, X (1862), 423-31. 20 SOCIETY OF ARCHITECTURAL HISTORIANS advantage from the abundant exhortation to frank- at the beginning of the century [e.g., Salem], come ness and genuineness in the use of materials, unless nearer to our wants; but they sacrifice too much it lead first of all to a more frank and genuine to a cut-and-dried symmetry to be of much use to consideration of the occasion for using the materials us. After that the way is downward through one at all. set of absurdities after another " "The first step toward seemly building is to rectify What, then, is to be done? First of all, there the relation between the appearance and the uses must be no more "forgeries" of the styles of the of the building, - to give to each the weight that it really has with us, not what we fancy or are past. Then, Cabot suggests, the safest rule to told it ought to have." follow, is: Cabot believes that the main character of a "not to be conspicuous, and, to that end, to respect building should be determined by needs and use, the plain fundamental rules of statics, of good con- and discusses practical considerations in planning, struction, of harmonious color, and to resist sac- rificing any solid advantage to show. such as orientation, the number and size of rooms, and their purpose. Then, In the Atlantic two years later, Cabot elaborated his attack upon Ruskin's theories, - an attack "The position, the internal arrangement, and the which had the admiring approval of Emerson.19 material being determined upon, the next point is that the structure shall be as little of an eyesore But Emerson and his friends, although united in as we can make it.' their opposition to the Gothic Revival, were unable to stop it. Their ideas, though linked with "Na- He commends old New England farmhouses for ure," seem actually rather to be derived from the their lines and effectiveness in their environment, Vitruvian concepts of firmitas and utilitas, and but an attempt to "revive" them would not be in as such are outside the current of their own time. accordance with the principles he advocates. But much of what they wrote is in harmony with "In fact, were it possible, we could not do better present day attitudes toward architecture, and the for the outside than to take these old houses for our twentieth century reader is inclined to regret that model. But here, as everywhere, we find the out- side depends on the inside, and that what we most these men were not more heeded by their con- admire in them will conflict with the new require- temporaries. ments. The later and more ambitious houses, WASHINGTON, D. C. such as were built in the neighborhood of Boston 19. See Emerson letter to Longfellow, quoted in The Life of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, ed. Samuel Longfellow (Boston, 1891), III, 31. Cabot's article is "On the Relation of Art to Nature," Atlantic Monthly, XIII, 183-199, 313-329. Borrower: HC7 Call #: AP2.C92 Lending String: *NHM,BTS,AUM,BBH Location: DIMOND LEVEL 2 BOUND PERS Patron: Epp, Ron Journal Title: The critic. ARIEL Charge Volume: 42 Issue: Maxcost: $30IFM Month/Year: May 1903Pages: 413-416 Shipping Address: Manchester/Southern NH Univ./Shapiro Lib Article Author: Interlibrary Loan/Shapiro Library 2500 North River Rd Article Title: Sanborn; Emerson and Manchester, NH 03106 contemporary poets Fax: Ariel: 63.138.247.50 Imprint: New York [Good Literature Pub. Co., 18 Emerson and Contemporary Poets By F. B. SANBORN strend, BEING asked to give in THE CRITIC from purposed disregard thereof; but some recollections of Emerson as I of tune in music he had none or the knew him personally for nearly thirty very faintest conception. He shared SC 414 length topic years, it think, upon any occurs to me to touch a this defect with many eminent poets; not yet, I treated at but his young friends, Thoreau and pa in any of the thousand essays, Ellery Channing, had the musical ear, the had good, Emerson bad, indifferent, subject which during and have and therefore have occasionally sur- for their passed Emerson in the harmonies of past sixty years. His relations verse. When they did so, he was not with and towards his contemporary always aware of the fact, from this very 4839 poets were unique; far more free from defect of which I speak. Of that, envy and scorn than those of Landor, however, he was fully aware, and used for example; and, like his general atti- to tell a story against himself on the tude towards the human race, benefi- subject. He said that when he went, cent and with other lads, to be taught vocal needful, brethren candid. He poets, did not think it like some to flatter his music by a blind vocalist, and they that turn flatter him; they might he in in order that were all requested to "sound, -that or tolerate nor had is, to run up and down the scale a uneasy de- little with their voices,-th blind man to Dr. fect Johnson, in poetic consciousness inspiration instance of (according some led his which said, when he heard Waldo Emerson's for ineffective notes: "That boy need not Miss Seward), to undervalue and come again; he cannot learn to sing.' disparage all contemporary writers of Yet Emerson's voice for rhetorical uses verse. Emerson was a poet by nature, was carefully modulated, and most and had much of the higher poetic en- effective, as those who ever heard his that ear for music which Burns, dowment, though lacking entirely in more serious and thrilling tones will unite in saying. such Moore, many Shakespeare, helped poets, and more eminent Of the outfit for an English poet as Milton and to Emerson had the essential requisites, fectly; their of rhythm in verse. The per- best effects sense -early and wide reading in good verse, or time in music he had which a few poets can do anything, surprising verbal memory (without when he transgressed it was 414 The Critic unless they resort to a rhyming dic- I received your note and the enclosed verses by tionary), keen observation of nature mail, though I acknowledge it so tardily. I write R.WE.to and of human nature, and that broad so late, I believe, because I liked the message so idealizing spirit, for lack of which well. I was willing to wait for a select hour to re- S.E.W. many poets rise hardly above the bal- ply to what took my fancy with the most agreeable ladist, sonnetteer, or didactic bard. surprise. Certainly your friend, in these lines and Bacon's famous definition of poetry, in the very few others I have seen, goes to the very end of the poetic license, and defies a little too dis- conforming the shows of things to the dainfully his Dictionary and his Logic. Yet his desires of the mind, suited Emerson lines betray a highly poetic temperament, and a exactly; and he became, partly by na- sunny sweetness of thought and feeling, which are ture, partly by long practice, one of rare gifts; and the voluminous eloquence of his the chiefest of oracular poets. Spenserian stanza, so bland and flexible, is in itself Although fully, if gradually, made an indication of great skill and cunning. Perhaps aware of possessing this high poetic I judge the lines too partially on account of their gift, Emerson was slow to exercise it subject, and the affectionate playfulness with which in public. Some of his most famous he treats indeed I was very happy to meet Re verse ("Good-Bye, Proud World," for this kindness. But I know the lines would have instance) was written before he was pleased me if addressed to a third person and I channing five-and-twenty; but most of that by think bad praise more annoying than censure. which he will be known did not appear You must not despair of your friend's success be- till he was forty. He had in verse, as cause of any temporary inaction. Wit and Imagi- in prose, that high sense of responsibil- nation, Milton said, are tender maidens ; and ity to the public and to posterity, Margaret Fuller showed me, not long ago, a sen- which made him hold back his essays tence of De Vigny,-that the Poet must lose a good and verses until he had brought them many days in order to have one great day. Besides, to a state of comparative perfection; -though I have to acknowledge times, as much as and he was severe, though friendly, Dr. Johnson did in owning the existence of weather. towards poets who had not this power -yet it seems as though a certain perplexity and of withholding and polishing. His hesitation were all but universal among the con- friend, Ellery Channing, for example, templative class of persons in this country, at this whose early and precocious talent for moment. The very children are affected with poesy Emerson at once recognized, skepticism and ennui. Even the active-except in was continually falling under his cen- a few very happy instances-appel to owe their A sure for impatience and heedlessness health and efficiency to their foregoing the exercise in finishing what was so wondrously of thought and the creative arts. So general a mis- S.G.W begun. Through the courtesy of Mr. chief will be accompanied by its own secret advan- Samuel Gray Ward, now of Washing- tages and meantime the more fortunate must wait R.W.E. E.C for the less, with a sure trust in the remedial force ton, who was Channing's earliest appre- of Nature. ciator of verse, I am allowed to print the letters in which, before December, If we outgrow our early friendships there is no help ; and undoubtedly when there is inequality 1840, when he first met Ellery Chan- in the intellect we must resign them. But true ning, Emerson declared his interest in society is so rare that I think I could not afford to this 'new poet," as he styled him, spare from my circle a poet, as long as he can offer rela- when introducing his verse to readers so indisputable a token as a good verse of his that of The Dial, in October, 1840. At tion to what is highest in Being. It is possible that time Channing was in his twenty- my love of these gifts might enable me to be useful second year (having been born in Bos- to your friend if I knew him. As lovers of English ton, November 29, 1818), and had been poetry, we should certainly have common ground writing good verse for seven years. A enough to meet upon. I seldom go into company of year earlier, however (October 3, 1839). in Boston but if I should have an opportunity Mr. Ward had sent to Emerson some making his acquaintance, I will not fail to use of the youthful poems of Channing, among which were verses in compli- Emerson had earlier made the inti- ment to Emerson. In acknowledg- mate acquaintance of the young poet- Thoreau, and that poem of ment of them, Emerson wrote to Ward: naturalist, Henry's, which Emerson told me was Emerson and Contemporary Poets 415 his best,-"Sympathy,"-wi already in my neighborhood, I think I should go to his written and perhaps in Emerson's doors and take him by the strong hand. I wish to hands, who published it in The Dial in see him,-and to see him at ease, leisure, and July, 1840. But Channing was harder alone. How shall I do this? If I come to you, to catch than Thoreau, who lived near will you bring me to him? Or will he not, if I Emerson; and while this letter was on write him a note, come out here [to Concord] for a its way to Mr. Ward in Boston, Chan- day? I think I cannot have him unless he comes ning was speeding away to the prairies here. If my woods are dwarfs, he will exult the of Illinois, where he spent a winter or more in his Illinois. Do not let him go away again two in a log-cabin, near what is now without informing me beforehand. I can come to Woodstock, in McHenry County. Mr. Town on any day ; though I never wish to come if I Ward sent his verses in larger quantity can avoid it. to Emerson, as a deposit; and (Octo- ber 27, 1839) their receipt was acknowl- The long-desired interview did not edged in this letter: take place till December 10, 1840, R.WE when Emerson, spite of his dislike to It was very kind in you to select me as the de- "Town," as he styled Boston, made the stage-coach journey of eighteen 12/10/40 to positary of this fine poetry of your friend. It has SGW given me the happiest thoughts and auguries. Ex- miles, and thus recorded the event in cept the very best moments of life,-those pre- his Journal: sentiments, I mean, which acquaint us with the A good visit to Boston : saw S. G. W. and Ellery great and transcendent Nature by which we live,- I have no sweeter experiences than come from read- to advantage. E. has such an affectionate speech, ing poetry. Nor do I care how wild and loose the and a tone that is tremulous with emotion, that he is like a flower in the wind. He said his poems verses be, so that only they indicate that the soul was poetic, was pleasing itself, was inventive, was were proper love poems ; and they were really genuine fruits of a fine, light, gentle, happy inter- Channing advancing, my they could you of while flowed. All these verses course with his friends. C's [Caroline Sturgis's] please ear and heart. How [before] include those all eyes are a compliment to the human race; that their the ruder ones, which, delicacy, with steady look from year to year makes Phidian merits, seem to me far inferior to the sculpture and Poussin landscape still real and con- variety and bold thought of several of these pieces? I am sure you do not prize them as much temporary and a poet might well dedicate himself to the fine task of expressing their genius in verse. as I, or you would have praised them more. When I consider their dainty I am at Contrary to the opinion of Colonel tional the tone,-betraying sweetness, surprised steadiness of their a constitu- Higginson in the Atlantic Monthly for tendency to those finer July last, I give this last hyperbole to favorite That which scenery appreciate light, poetic lights eyes. are too evanescent for most Channing rather than to Emerson, and autumnal and which seem so interpret the initial "C." by the name a topic with him, to the the sort of a friend of both, to whom Channing the the of beauty writer music your express has friend, for the soul. eye Since which this often wrote verses. The shy poet was is alive, and I will not incur again speeding to the West,-this time him but I risk before have concerning seen and of saying all I would them to Cincinnati, where he fell in love with am sorry I should not known Margaret Fuller's sister Ellen. and he left home. I tell soon after their marriage they came (in him deeply must that wish things, you would highly you have showed me these and how April, 1843) to live near Emerson in contented I am with them and how Concord. Thenceforward Emerson hope in regard to his character and genius. took Channing's poetic fortunes under By the summer of 1840 Ellery Chan- his neighborly protection.-published Emerson writes to Ward, who had the ning was again in Boston, and again or prose, or found publishers 1840 his it,-an verse office to which I succeeded clue to his goings and comings: here, Nothing nothing does. surprise I am glad that Channing ought to when to give the wayward poet good much counsel the twenty for years later,-and never failed and sharp criticism. It was R.W.E. great life, us we are as with Thoreau, who was as indus- same SGH. though my joy is somewhat by Channing was eccentricity so decided and qualified in. I have an trious and persistent as impatient (as he told me in his last illness) so far and capricious; and Thoreau that, wanted to see him so much so since persisted I read his poetry rather than lose the opportunity of his presence 416 The Critic conformed to Emerson's judgment as He taught his children and their to destroy without copying much of his schoolmates to declaim Tennyson's own verse, because his friend told him Wellington ode, but nothing of Brown- it was not worth printing. Thoreau ing's, whom he looked on as having afterwards regretted this slaughter of neither clearness nor melody in his the innocents; he said: "Perhaps they longer poems. But when Walt Whit- were better than Emerson thought man appeared, with that extraordinary book of 1855, "Leaves of Grass, them." Towards the popular poets Emerson Emerson saw at once, what many were was a little distant, though he valued slow to perceive, the original force of the wit of Holmes, the learning of the new man, and never went back Lowell, and the gentle and flowing from this first salutation, although he muse of Longfellow. He had been a took less interest in the later poems, reader of Tennyson from the first; and especially those concerning the Civil the early verse-collection of 1833 lay War. In his "Parnassus" Emerson customarily on his parlor-table. He quoted nothing from Whitman, and admired Tennyson's mastery of verse, only six pieces in all from the two and an occasional passage or whole Brownings; while he gave room for poem; but thought his poesy "facti- twenty-two of Tennyson's, seven each tious, -whatever that adjective might of Holmes's, Whittier's, and Longfel- signify. He quoted to me two pass- low's, five of Thoreau's, eight of Lowell's, and eight of Channing's ages as fine: The million stars which tremble Bryant also had eight, John Sterling O'er the deep mind of dauntless infancy; two, and David Wasson two. I com- plained to him that he had inserted and none of his own poems. He replied: Sown in a wrinkle of the monstrous hill "That would not have been decent." The city sparkles like a grain of salt. Emerson as a Poet By GERALD STANLEY LEE WHEN I was asked to write this essay or appear to - before I get through, this on Emerson, the first thing that hap- but I wish to make record at pened to me was a long, comfortable point-put it down as my main tribute first feeling, a general pleasant sense of to Ralph Waldo Emerson. The things saved up about Emerson and thing that Emerson did with me when filed away in envelopes. The next THE CRITIC asked me to write about it. thing that happened was when I him was to try to get me not to do looked at the envelopes. There were I do not think that Whitman would just three small leaves in the envelope have tried. If I had been asked for sent an marked Emerson." Everything I had essay on Whitman I would Whitman, have ever thought of about Emerson was book. I am not blaming under the head of something else. a THE CRITIC,-and I have not room I cannot think of anything better to to nor blame myself,-I am merely always prais- say of Ralph Waldo Emerson than this. ing Emerson. Great poetry is to Probably there are better things, and an act. The best way for a man con- as it has just happened to me, it may consider what great poetry is, is to it not be as good as it looks. But my sider what it has done, and what present impression is, that there could has done where he especially knows, not be any better tribute to the memory what it has done with him, and what of a great poet than not having any- it tends to make him do. thing to say about him. I shall prob- take part in a general ably take it back and say something- experience If I were meeting to on the subject 810, 9 CRA American Sympathy Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans when we are angels," She stipulated carefully that her passion was "purely MEN, FRIENDSHIP, AND ellectual and spiritual, unprofaned by any mixture of lower instincts," but reader of Plato, she felt that the mystery of her attraction to Anna had the LITERATURE IN THE the solution as the question "Why did Socrates love Alcibiades?"63 The second of Fuller's two loves was Samuel Gray Ward. Like Barker, Ward NEW NATION from a wealthy family, who, in his case, hoped he would follow his father in banking. Eventually he did, but when Fuller met him, in July 1835, Ward in college and "looked upon myself as a student and literary man," as he Caleb Crain. RE explained to his father. They met on the same New York trip to Trenton ill. that figures in Fuller's "ToAHHB" Fuller's impression of Ward at the time not favorable. "Did not like him much," she wrote in her journal. But a few moths before her death, she wrote Ward from Italy that she looked back on their vacation upstate as "the last period of tranquillity in my life." Ward contributed poems to The Dial, and during an 1836-38 trip to Europe trip this 11 Fuller was invited to share but which her father's death prevented- and collected reproductions of famous paintings and sculptures and found Unself gravitating to the fine arts. Today his name is engraved in marble in the liyer of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which he helped to found, years Met.Mus-Art ther he left Transcendentalism for the world of finance. 64 In the Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli, Emerson wrote that Ward was Fuller's "companion, and, though much younger, her guide in the study of in Emerson explained, as delicately as he could, that Fuller's art-historical interest in Ward was accompanied by a romantic one. The affinities they shared, "though sincere, were only veils and occasions to beguile the time, so rofound was her interest in the character and fortunes of her friend." Fuller's jorrespondence is more blunt and revealing. A letter she wrote to Ward on Yale University Press to April 1836 compares the undulations of a pool of water to "the heaving of New Haven the bosom," in highly sensuous prose. "Oh! what wild work makes a female London wil" Fuller flirtatiously exclaimed. In February 1839, Fuller thanked Sturgis for it hand-decorated box and asked her to make another with a pale blue 2001 lining, to "hold all I have had and shall have from my friend Raphael; Letters sketches all. I will keep it devoted to him while I live." "Raphael" was the cognomen Ward had earned, for the interest he took in that artist. Unfor- Simately, by the time summer came, in July 1839, Fuller was reproaching duce Within Fuller's circle, Récamier became Barker's cognomen: "Shall Haphael-Ward for keeping her at a distance. "If you love me as I deserve to be me to your Recamier this summer?" Emerson asked Fuller on you IN Him line loved, you cannot dispense with seeing me." From the start, age and social 1839. Fuller defended her love for another woman in her journal, writing TE Matus had placed them in two different circles. "Nothing but love bound us so true that a woman may be in love with a woman, and a man with a manam together," she explained, "and it must not be my love alone that binds us. "65 so pleasant to be sure of it because undoubtedly it is the same love that westes As Ward drifted away from Fuller, Emerson took him up. In July, the same month that Fuller complained of Ward's neglect, Emerson met Ward for the Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 203 202 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Although he desired "the gush of mingling souls" as fervently as any Roman- first time, during a group visit to Washington Allston's Boston gallery. Ward tic, he feared that any wish of his "to cast myself into the arms of some other invited Emerson to come back to Boston soon, to see the casts that Horative nature" was "womanish." By manhood, Ward meant in part the respectable Greenough had made of Michelangelo's Day and Night. Emerson could nil banking career that his father wanted for him. Fuller accepted this excuse, as if accept Ward's invitation until November, but in August the two ran into each it were only natural that she should be associated in his mind with rebellion by chance while hiking in the White Mountains. That autumn, they began of from a correctly gendered future. "I will bear in mind that my presence is like correspond regularly.66 to recal all you have need to forget and will try to believe that you would not At the end of July, Emerson received a poem from Henry David Thoreau be with me lest I 'spoil you for your part on life's dull scene," or as you have that struck a chord. Titled "Sympathy," the poem described Thoreau's infatua said 'call up the woman in you." Ward seems, however, to have been telling tion with eleven-year-old Edmund Sewall. "I might have loved him had loved Fuller only a partial truth. Soon, with a flood of emotions, the full truth about him less," Thoreau wrote. The boy's beauty had caused Thoreau pain and left his affections emerged. 69 him lonely, and Thoreau laid the blame for this on his own inability to achieve In early October 1839, Anna Barker came to stay with Fuller at her home in a Phaedrus-like vision of the principle shining through Sewall's good looks "If Jamaica Plain, outside Boston, In "the very first days of Anna," to adopt the I but love that virtue which he is," Thoreau concluded, skipping over Platin regnal chronology used by Fuller, the two women renewed their romance. fascination with male bodies to Plato's transcendence of them, "Still shall WE Fuller was "so intoxicated" and "so uplifted by that eldest and divinest love" be truest acquaintances." In Emerson's opinion, Thoreau's poem was the that her health was overwhelmed, and she took to bed. There she wrote to purest strain & the loftiest, I think, that has yet pealed from this unpoetic Caroline Sturgis, whose rebuffs had recently wounded her. In her bliss, Fuller American forest."67 now forgave Sturgis, but she hinted that Barker's return demoted Sturgis to an On the page immediately following this acclamation of Thoreau, Emerson understudy - much in the way that Mifflin had demoted Gibson when Norris wrote a short monologue warning off a young would-be friend. "I have no returned from Europe. 70 RWE right of nomination in the choice of my friends," Emerson wrote sternly. "Sird On Friday, October 4, Emerson went to Jamaica Plain, where for the first should be happy to oblige you, but my friends must elect themselves." Emer Anwa time he met the woman he had been calling "the beautiful Anna" for years. son was accustomed to resolving his erotic attractions by means of Platonia During his two-day visit, Emerson was charmed to share "the frank & gen- abnegation, as Thoreau had in "Sympathy." The experiment of weaving these crous confidence of a being SO lovely, SO fortunate, & so remote from my own attractions into friendships made him uneasy. At first Emerson seems to have experiences." In his journal, he paid Barker the high compliment of calling her resisted Ward, but this resistance was not rejection. In a September 24 journal unit & whole." Although the bias of her nature was "not thought but entry, Emerson took issue with Fuller for misunderstanding his slowness. If emotion or sympathy," Emerson found, to his puzzlement, that she "does not you do not like my friend at first sight you will never like him.' Indeed! Unit distance me as I believe all others of that cast of character do." In Emerson's not thought so. I did not, I remember, like you at first sight, yet we manage (ii essay "Manners," Barker became a "Persian Lilla" who acted as "a solvent converse now without disgust." Emerson found Ward attractive, but he had powerful to reconcile all heterogeneous persons into one society." reservations. "Who is rich, who is fashionable, who is high bred, has great LI fact, Barker's erotic power divided rather than united this small society of hindrances to success" if he hopes to befriend me, Emerson wrote, Ward Transcendentalists. On October 15, Fuller wrote to Ward that at last she knew would have to prove himself. "Whom have I rejected? whom have I not ad the truth. Ward and Barker, the two children of wealth and privilege, had mired?' Emerson wrote to Fuller when she accused him of a sour unwilling fallen in love. They had been in love since the autumn of 1837, since the ness to open his heart. "The utmost of my offence is the sluggishness of DES European tour Fuller had not been able to afford. In Switzerland they had perceptions. "68 spent two months admiring the mountain landscapes together. When Ward Meanwhile, Fuller was losing patience with the polite stratagems by which bought a Saint Bernard, Barker named it Alp. Between December 1838 and Ward kept her at bay. "You love me no more, she wrote him in September March 1839, Ward had visited Barker again, in New Orleans. As Ward wrote She remembered with anguish that in earlier days, "how did you pray me E to his father on 4 March 839, he did not then become engaged, but he had no draw near to you!" Ward put her off a little longer, explaining that he was "not doubt that his father "should find in her all that you could desire or wish for in yet a man" and that intimacy with her felt threatening to his fragile manhood 204 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 205 your daughter and your son's wife." During Barker's return to Massachusett in October - the same visit that "so intoxicated" Fuller - the couple Men and women should not marry, because marriage made permanent a set of feelings for each other deepened, although as Ward was careful to observe had habits that crippled male sensibility and undermined female strength. his father, "My relation to Miss Anna Barker has not changed" - that is, then Celibacy," she wrote, is "the great fact of the time. It is one from which no was still no formal engagement. Nonetheless, someone, probably Barker now, no arrangement, can at present save a thinking mind. "74 thought it was time to disillusion Fuller. "I understand all perfectly," Fulla For a time, in Fuller's circle celibacy prevailed. Ward and Barker had given wrote to Ward on October I 5 in a spirit of resignation. She reproached War. Puller and Emerson a bad scare, but there was as yet no proposal of marriage. for underestimating her; he should have told her sooner; she wished only As Ward himself later recalled, "There was very little probability of such a further his happiness. "Do you not feel how I should grieve to be the ghost n ponnexion unless my plans of a scholar's life gave place to some lucrative cross the path of true communion in the Elysian grove[?] Live without me profession." And Ward was not ready to give up his literary and artistic ambi- now. "72 Bons, On 21 October 1839, Emerson wrote in his journal that Fuller had In her journal Fuller was not SO accepting. "The son of the Gods has soldhi privately told him "a chronicle of sweet romance, of love & nobleness which birthright," she wrote. "He has received therefor one, not merely the faired have inspired the beautiful & brave." Two pages later, Emerson reconsidered but the sweetest and holiest of earth's daughters. Yet it is not a fit exchange, Fuller's version of their story, somewhat more ambivalently. "I heard with joy Fuller may have been suffering from jealousy and heartache, but her com that which thou toldest me O eloquent lady, of thy friends & mine, yet with reflect an accurate understanding of the practical compromises that the my joy mingled a shade of discontent. Things must not be too fine. Parian union of Ward and Barker would demand. If they married, Ward and Bark Marble will not stand exposure to our New England weather I dare not would no longer be able to depend on their parents for financial support Il believe that a mood SO delicate can be relied on like a principle for the wear & they wanted to live the way they were both accustomed to living, they would lear of years." If Fuller had told Emerson the simple story of Barker and have to give up the intellectual life. Ward would be expected to take up Ward's courtship, he would perhaps have been disappointed by Ward's defec- traditional career in order to earn enough money to satisfy Barker's expensive lion to money-making if Ward had defected (he hadn't yet), but there would tastes. For her part, Barker would cultivate those tastes instead of learning have been no occasion for him to doubt that a relationship between these two think or fend for herself. Marriage would stunt the development of both the Wealthy, gifted, and lovestruck people would endure. It is more likely that man and the woman. Fuller told Emerson that Barker and Ward had exchanged vows of love but In Woman in the Nineteenth Century, Fuller elaborated her disappointment decided to forgo their enjoyment of each other in order to pursue more lofty with Ward and Barker into a feminist critique, writing, "Now there mals. This more complicated story would have both elated Emerson and Bused him to wonder if it could last. 75 woman, only an overgrown child." Since marriage was often to blame, Fulle found herself in that book telling stories against marriage as commonly under Emerson was right to be skeptical of what Fuller told him. Fuller seems to stood: of an Indian maiden who became betrothed to the sun, of a Germai IVe projected her own wishes and concerns onto the Barker-Ward relation- man and woman who fulfilled their love by joining a monastery and a convent hip. News of the romance set Fuller weighing the pros and cons of her own of lovers who resided on different continents. Paraphrasing a "wise contempo lémantic state: on the one hand, "No one loves me," but on the other, "I have rary," Fuller wrote that "union is only possible to those who are units. 110 HO letter on me," as she wrote in her journal. Perhaps to console herself, Fuller wise contemporary was almost certainly Emerson, who wrote in "Friendship Bigan to formulate the idea that reached its fullest expression in Woman in the that "there must be very two, before there can be very one." In Fuller's hands Nineteenth Century, that marriage as it was then practiced impeded personal Emerson's eschewal of too much intimacy with other men became an atte falfillment. In her journal in the fall of 1839, she speculated that great spirits ment against heterosexual marriage. Emerson's hierotomy had preserved both fuld never marry, because either marriage would shackle the spirit, or great- his arousal and his innocence with men; it was the impetus, the always poin would throw off the bridle of marriage as it would any other constricting poned reward, and the condition of his literary work. In a fascinating twis Ilam. "Social wedlock," she wrote, "is ordinarily mere subterfuge and sim- Fuller adapted this hierotomy to feminist ends. If its effect in Emerson's think illacrum: it could not check a powerful woman or a powerful man." Lonely ing had been somewhat homophobic, its effect in Fuller's was heterophohi and let down, Fuller seems to have persuaded herself that these insights about Barriage were as true for Ward and Barker as they were for herself. 206 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 207 With careful archival work. the scholar Eleanor Tilton has rectified most held on to the sketches for two months. He wrote about them repeatedly in his Fuller's misconstructions and corrected the story and chronology that Full Journal, and in December, when he returned the portfolio to Ward, he summed out of wishful thinking, somewhat garbled in her poems and in her correspor BP his impressions in a six-page commentary. Emerson's comments are reveal- dence. As Tilton points out, somewhat harshly, Fuller got a number of the fat ing of the different desires that male and female beauty aroused in him. He wrong, for the simple reason that no one told them to her: they were noner described the female figures as beautiful in their inattention. They are "pen- her business. Fuller's misconstructions seem to have irritated Tilton, but live," "unconscious," "thinking of something else," and "stony inscrutable." would like to pay some attention to them here. Emerson's initial skepticism He described male beauty, on the other hand, as natural power. The face of a Fuller soon gave way to complicity. Raphael angel "intimates authority impossible to dispute." Guido's Aurora Perhaps the key thing to understand is that Fuller (and later Emerson) has "the most masculine force" with "no convulsion, no straining, no ado, no as permanent a state of affairs that Ward and Barker no doubt understood form, but flowing grace & ease." Michelangelo is "always colossal even in be a stopgap. The two lovers were in conflict: Barker wanted financial secure & cupids." And a Roman relief of Endymion displays "the beauty & and Ward wanted a life of the mind In 1839 they thought they should greatness of one to whom the senses suffice."79 marry until they could resolve this conflict. In 1840 they married anyway On 27 October, Emerson wrote to thank Ward for a second gift of Ellery they resolved their conflict by living it out. They tried both ways of life Ali Channing's poetry. He liked the new batch better than the first better, appar- their marriage, Ward worked for three years in Boston as a broker, and ently, than Ward himself liked them. "There was no progress" in Channing's the couple spent five years as Transcendental- Jeffersonian farmers in the Beil werses, Ward objected when he and Emerson met in early November. 80 Emer- shires. When, in the end, Ward accepted the position his father had once son also acknowledged that he liked Ward's attentions. "I am very happy in as the American representative of the British investment bank Baring Brothe the new relations to which you invite me by your persevering kindness." A few it was not so much a compromise of his true self as a recognition that in days later, Emerson at last went to the Boston Athenaeum to see the casts of half-decade of sketching and independent study he had not accomplish Michelangelo's Night and Day that Ward had recommended. He also saw hearted ifor much. As the banker he finally chose to become, Ward was an outstands Ward. When Emerson reported the visit to Elizabeth Hoar, he bestowed on his success. If Barker and Ward gave each other up in 1839, they must have sensit new young friend a cognomen even more extravagant than the one Fuller had in their hearts that the surrender was temporary. Fuller, however, convine Biven him: "I have also seen the Prince-of-the-Purple-Island himself at some herself otherwise. 77 leisure & advantage not here but twice in Boston and we have got on farther It was against this background that Emerson's friendship with Ward has but not yet farthest." Emerson had earlier written to Ward that "there are geoned. After the two men met in July and August, Ward seems to ha fewer painters than poets." But after an evening's and a morning's tutelage courted Emerson with a series of gifts. Early in the fall, he forwarded from Ward in Boston, artists jumped to the top of Emerson's list of world Emerson the florid and ungrammatical poems of his friend Ellery Channia Reniuses. "I had told [Bronson] Alcott that my First Class stood for today Emerson responded on 3 October in measured tones. He gave the poemsqui Berhaps thus; Phidias, Jesus, [Michel] Angelo, Shakspeare."81 ified praise, and he agreed-almos grudgingly- to meet the poet. Emersia Emerson's ranking of the arts was not the only prejudice of his that Ward spent 4 and 5 October with Ward's beloved, Barker. Then, on 8 October Was altering. Emerson's thoughts on friendship were also in flux. Back in June, Emerson received from Ward a "rich pacquet": Ward's portfolio of COE his opinion of friends was the doctrinal paradox he had laid out in "The sketches of paintings and sculpture by European masters, along with a cois Heart": "though I prize my friends I cannot afford to talk with them and study mentary by Fuller. What Emerson was glimpsing of Ward's world impresa their visions lest I lose my own." In October, however, when Emerson con- him, "Two persons lately, very young children of the most high God," Emer fided his thoughts on friendship to his journal, they were no longer so aloof. son wrote in his journal in mid-October 1839, "have admonished me by the Where before he had presented himself as waving his friends off, now he silent being. It seemed as if each answered to my heart's inquiry Whener imagined himself pining for them. "What needs greater magnanimity than the your power? 'From my nonconformity.' Waiting for a friend; a lover, for years?" A few days after his trip with Ward to Emerson had seen some of the images in Ward's portfolio a year before the Athenaeum, Emerson was counseling himself, rather than his importunate when Fuller brought them to Concord. But in the autumn of 1839, Emerse friends, to observe a reticent silence. "Why dare you to intermeddle in SO 208 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 209 sacred a formation as Friendship? for you to say aught, is to be frivolor discussed "the great difficulty of bringing two male faces any where near Wait until the necessary & everlasting overpowers you, until day & night ath other without exciting extreme disgust." "When people embrace on the themselves of your lips. "82 I am ready to die of shame and disgust at the sight," Fuller wrote. "How By "day & night" Emerson no doubt meant a metonymy of nature's for Sin they endure to get SO near one another, I feel." Fuller in 1839 seems to have But he may also have been alluding to the twinned Michelangelo statues far from her 1842 rhapsodizing over love between two men or between and Ward had seen at the Athenaeum, monuments of the body's power for women as "the same love that we shall feel when we are angels." As an confinement in itself: Day a man in middle age, weighted down by his this Seption to her disgust, Fuller cited Raphael's painting of Jupiter embracing culature, his face still half-unshapen in marble; Night a woman, also upid, in the Villa Farnesina, where the closeness of the two male figures for with strength, writhing, one breast jutting almost angrily forward. In the aline reason did not repel her. ripeness, the couple suggest time as an irresistible force - "the necessary Raphael's Jupiter and Cupid must have been reproduced in either Fuller's or everlasting," in Emerson's words moves, by the alternation of day ard's portfolio because it was referred to again, a year later, in a dreamy night and by the opposition of male and female, toward death. liter that Fuller's protégée Sturgis wrote to Emerson. Sturgis's letter is worth During his Athenaeum visit, Emerson probably also saw Bertel Thorval Hoting at length as another example of how Emerson's intimates were using sen's Ganymede, first exhibited in Boston in 1839. He made no comment time sex images from European art to eroticize and etherealize the psycho- this statue in his correspondence or journal although another work by This Innamics of their friendships: valdsen, The Triumphant Entry of Alexander into Babylon, appeared Ward's portfolio. Fuller, however, mentioned the Ganymede in her Dial Yesterday the reflection of the sunset SO concentrated itself into a golden view of the exhibition, and several years later, in 1843, she wrote "Ganym column that did not seem to lie upon the river, but rose high in the air. The to His Eagle," a poem inspired by it. Fuller imagined the cupbearer as waiting base was hidden by long grass, the capital stood fairly forth. With my eye I carved it into a Jupiter & placed an Amore Greco beside it, then asked myself anxiously, "a willing servant to sweet love's command," pleading for Zeut which I would be. Now will you not wonder that I chose to be the Amore, eagle to return and carry him again to Olympus. In Fuller's version, the eagle because I said, then I can admire that golden Jupiter, but if I were the Jupiter I not an incarnation of Zeus himself but an intermediary: the bird is the god should be alone & have nothing to admire. But when I saw how noble he was, "messenger" and the boy's "destined brother friend." (The bird is also, how he glowed within himself, & evolved light, I chose to be the Jupiter, & course, the emblem of the sovereignty of the United States, as Fuller's aneedor saw I could admire the being beside me, pale, passionate, & pure, because his about a chained eagle, a few chapters earlier, makes clear.) In the eagle beauty would differ from mine. Thus for the hundredth time did I learn that company, the boy can ascend. But in the moment of the poem, Ganymede which is around is of worth as well as that above.85 alone, not sure that the eagle cares for him anymore. He longs to be united Here was meant to be a lesson in Sturgis's conclusion, a little jab at Emerson, again with his equal/eagle SO that he can rise to his ministry, the dispensing no, in Fuller's and Sturgis's opinion, insisted on acting like a Jupiter disdain- drinks from a spring which, like the forms the gods feast on in Phaedrus, scene al of his Ganymedes. to be both nourishment and truth to the poets who sip from In Concord, the myths painted by Europe's Old Masters could easily take on Fuller elides sex in her retelling of the Ganymede myth, although her Gani personal meanings. And in Emerson's case, I believe, these images may have mede does address as "O bliss" the eagle who will "upbear/My earthlier form lved to channel a resurgence of the feelings he had experienced in college. As into the realms of air." Here as everywhere in the Fuller-Emerson circle, Plato boy, Emerson had rationalized his attraction to Martin Gay into a puzzled Phaedrus is the model for introducing and then overcoming a same-sex erofi ilterest in gazes. In a similar way, a middle-aged Emerson transposed the charge. The passion that Ganymede feels for union with the eagle is to he feelings that Samuel Gray Ward stirred in him into an attachment to the visual understood as a passion for poetic inspiration, not (or not only) as a carnal de its. Ward was, after all, Raphael to Fuller and her friends. (His other nick- sire. Thorvaldsen sculpted Ganymede in several versions. One of them stand Bame was Michelangelo.) "I have identified your collection with the collec- alone, and in the other two, Zeus appears as an eagle, not a human figure lbr," Emerson confessed to Ward on 26 November 1839. When he admitted to Thorvaldsen thus avoided presenting two men as lovers, circumventing the Fuller that it saddened him to have to return the portfolio to Ward, he wrote in sort of reaction that Fuller recorded in her journal in September 39, when style that echoed the Phaedrus-like passage in Nature. "I shall part with it," 210 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 211 Emerson wrote of an image of Raphael's "Cumaean sibyl," "with a likele to that which arose when beautiful persons have passed out of my sight Two days later, on 26 November, Emerson received another gift. "Ward has Endymion too - did not know that drawing had been so perfect." Theat me the Endymion with friendliest letter," Emerson reported in his jour- gave Emerson a new vocabulary, one in which, perhaps, the heavy "It shall hang by Carlyle's Guido." Guido's Aurora was the token of heterosexual couple of Michelangelo's Day and Night might be contrad flyle's friendship with the Emersons, and the place beside it was a place of with the smooth, airy homosexual communion of boy and eagle in Thore honor. No doubt Ward had selected the Endymion as a gift because Fuller sen's Ganymede.80 relayed to him Emerson's liking for the image. Emerson was strongly In "Ode to Beauty," Emerson wrote of turning the pages of ted. "I confess I have difficulty in accepting the superb drawing which you the proud portfolios me to keep," he wrote to Ward, the same day. In Emerson's letter, it sounds Which hold the grand designs though Ward had shown Emerson a bouquet and plucked out the prettiest Of Salvator, of Guercino, just for him. But Emerson thought the copy sketches more intimate and And Piranesi's lines. are revealing than flowers would have been. "Your mute friends," as Emer- dubbed the images, "tell me very eloquently what you love, & a portfolio The reference is to a portfolio of art reproductions that Fuller broughthou to me a more expressive vehicle of taste & character than a bunch of 8 June 1838, a few months before she brought him Ward's. Emerson's wers. This beautiful Endymion deserves to be looked on by instructed eyes, apostrophizes Beauty as a goddess ("Queen of things!") who has entire and I like to think of you surrounded by such objects. But I shall not resist your Emerson. But the manner of the enslavement recalls Emerson's teenage herosity, and indeed am warmed at heart by your good will to me. fascination" with Gay: to match Ward's gift, Emerson copied out Thoreau's poem "Sympathy." When first my eyes saw thee, rd must have liked it, because on 3 December, Emerson wrote to him that I found me thy thrall, see it will be vain for me to resist you, if you like Bettina SO well, & my By magical drawings, jung poet too." (Years later, Emerson sent another homoerotic masterpiece Sweet tyrant of all! Ward: even before he found time to write back to Walter Whitman, Emer- forwarded Ward his copy of Leaves of Grass.)90 In Emerson's pun, artists' drawings are magically able to "draw" Emers Responding to a note of melancholy in Ward's letter, Emerson's 26 Novem- because ideal Beauty peeps out through artwork, as it peeped out throw thank-you letter went on to offer a dose of cheerful Transcendental boiler- ephebes in the Phaedrus, luring and intoxicating the viewer. "Thy dangero late, which probably depressed Ward further. "What space can be allowed glances / Make women of men," Emerson writes. As in Plato, to love for a moment's despondency? The free & the true, the few who conceive beauty philosophically is to understand that the people and things it thing a better life, are always the soul of the world." Ward was hoping to find a through should neither be owned nor touched. Beauty, when glimpsed here y to marry the girl of his dreams and satisfy his intellectual ambitions. earth, is "Somewhat not to be possessed/ Somewhat not to be caressed. Unhelpfully, Emerson waved the carrot of high-minded purity and brandished On 24 November 1839, Fuller sent Emerson a parcel of letters and she and Sturgis had exchanged, as well as passages from her private journal poors a stick "the general mediocrity of thought produced by the arts of gain." By NEW this gesture of wishful, unworldly thinking should be familiar compar- Fuller probably also sent - either in this parcel or in a supplement that thie to Mifflin's wish for Gibson to go into some other field than law, or lowed it - letters by (or at least concerning) Ward. The parcel added rich detat Brown's attempt to dissuade Wilkins from passing the bar. To the extent that to the story of Ward, Barker, and Fuller that Fuller had confided to Emerson Amerson was thinking of Ward as if he were a work of art that Emerson had outline in October. As Fuller explained, "All the verses, even the transl[atio]a allen in love with, there was a temptation to play Pygmalion - a sort of bear some reference to Anna, W|ard| and myself." One poem rather cost Transcendental Professor Higgins, snootily refashioning Ward after the Emer- tically turned the three protagonists into flowers - a dahlia, a rose, and Jonnan ideal. heliotrope. It was this parcel that caused Emerson to startle his wife and The next day, 27 November, Emerson wrote to Fuller with the good news mother with his wish "to live a little while with people who love & hate, about the Endymion. "I delight much in what I dreamed not of in my first lequaintance with you my new relations to your friends," he told her. As he 220 Emerson Friendsmip and aumarilans This letter captures in miniature the spirit of the essay as a whole, Likenz Much of what a reader understands from a text is inferred. Even with essay, it is an attempt to state the nature of a relationship that is not static. AL anayistic prose, the reader imagines a scene, with characters and a setting. like the essay, it is unevenly opaque. In any communication, the most semai Whenever Emerson mentions "friendship," the reader imagines a character tically loaded zones are the beginning and the end. They appear to be remail named Emerson and a character who is Emerson's friend, and the reader ably transparent in this letter. Most readers would know what to make ut Imagines a narrative, however skeletal, that puts their relationship in context. letter that began by wondering what would happen "If I was sure of thee" The essay "Friendship" dazzles its readers in part because, sentence by sen- ended by declaring that "thou art to me a delicious torment." If the start fence, there are drastic shifts in the background narrative that the reader must the end of it were all we had, we would not hesitate to say that this construct to make sense of what Emerson is saying. It was Emerson's method love letter, from a passionate but somewhat flirty supplicant. "Thine everage of composition to patch together pithy and stylistically elegant observations never," indeed. But we have the middle of the letter, too, and that middle that he had condensed from life experiences. By the time the observations tortuous. Once we move past the first phrase, it turns out that it is not dis appeared in his published essays, the details of the life behind them had been friend's heart that Emerson wants to be sure of but his "capacity." Emerge emitted long ago. The sentences that compose "Friendship" are clipped from might mean "capacity to love," but if so, he does not spell this out. Explicitly many moments in many relationships, with various people and at various his concern is only whether the friend has "a perfect intelligence of me. Yel times. In Chapter 4, I called this method of cutting an emotion or an insight Emerson is also careful to say that neither his wisdom nor his moods are out away from the circumstances that generated it "hierotomy," a holy divorce his friend's reach ("lam not very wise; my moods are quite attainable"), asilié that is as typical of American literature as Fiedler's holy marriage is. Hiero- indicate that his doubt of his friend's "intelligence" is not a doubt of his tomy gives Emerson's prose its distinctive flavor - at once highly abstract and friend's intellectual capacity. He must therefore mean some other kind of revealingly personal. It hides Emerson's actual experience by dividing it into intelligence. Also, although he says it somewhat elliptically, Emerson seems in pieces and then jumbling those pieces. But it also makes the reader especially be worried about losing his friend or not holding his attention. The implied eurious about that actual experience. Each sentence seems to give a glimpse tion of the first sentence is that since Emerson is not sure of his friend lie into Emerson's heart that, though brief, is altogether unobstructed. And by thinks of "thy comings and goings" as anything but "trifles." causing rapid contradictions and shifts in the background story that the reader Emerson's one-paragraph letter is deliberately incomplete. It fails to givethi is building and remodeling while reading, hierotomy forces the reader to reader enough information to assemble an adequate paraphrase of its denota spend more energy speculating about this background story than would a text tive meaning. It is, however, rich with tones and nuances that the reader could whose mode of composition was more organic and straightforward. By the use while imagining a relationship between the character Emerson and the effort it requires, SO similar to the effort of interpretation and explanation that character of his friend. Moving from atom to molecule, consider the essay is the chief mental labor of an intimate relationship, hierotomy may even give "Friendship" as a whole. Like the small letter it contains, the larger letter of the reader the feeling of being in a personal relationship with Emerson. Re- "Friendship" seems deceptively clear if you look only at its extremities. The peatedly, the reader must extend sympathy into the prose to make sense of it. first sentences of its first and last paragraphs read as follows: "We have a great The character of the friend is the easiest character for the reader to play. After deal more kindness than is ever spoken" and "It has seemed to me lately more all, Emerson has defined friendship according to terms that are accurate and possible than I knew, to carry a friendship greatly, on one side, without du appropriate for a relationship between writer and reader, however inaccurate correspondence on the other" (341,3 From this line of sight, the letter or needlessly confining they may be between friends or lovers in real life. intent could not be more plain. Suppose you received a letter that began and ended with these confessions, but whose middle protested with great ingenuity In the summer of 1840, Anna Barker's annual sojourn in the north was that its author was not in love, because he did not believe love was anything impatiently awaited. She delayed it, not arriving until early August, when she more than an illusion, and that for a number of reasons, it was inadvisable came to stay with Fuller in Jamaica Plain. After ten days with Fuller, Barker anyway for two people to get very close to each other. You would know what moved to Mrs. Farrar's, nearby in Cambridge. On Friday, 14 August, Emerson the writer, despite himself, meant. And perhaps more than any other American NIW Barker, probably in Cambridge, and then shared a ride with Fuller as far writer, Emerson writes despite himself. as Jamaica Plain, on his way back to Concord. Although neither Emerson nor 228 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 229 Fuller knew about it for two more weeks, Barker had changed her mind unit renunciation as a woman by establishing ideal relations: Not only Raphael accepted Ward's proposal of marriage on or around this date. Ignorani (if |Ward] shall be my brother, but that Puritan at Concord [Emerson] who is Barker and Ward's defection, Emerson and Fuller spent their ride togethe reputed at some time to have seen the mighty Gods, I will elect him also.'' renegotiating the terms of their celestial friendships. As Emerson confided III What most baffled Emerson was that neither Barker nor Ward appeared to his journal, Fuller "taxed me as often before SO now more explicitly with show any signs of guilt for what he regarded as a betrayal. "She does not feel inhospitality of soul. She & Caroline would gladly be my friends, yet our any fall. There is no compunction written on either of their brows." When intercourse is not friendship, but literary gossip." As he wrote to Sturgis in Emerson wrote to Fuller about his disappointment, he seemed to forget that he letter he never mailed, "I confess to the fact of cold & imperfect intercoura himself was already married, and complained that "the fragment of confi- but not to the impeachment of my will, and not to the deficiency of my affet dence that a wife can give to an old friend is not worth picking up after this tion." In that unsent letter, Emerson suggested that he was reluctant to open invitation to Elysian tables. "120 himself more deeply to Sturgis because he was protecting himself against the The marriage of Ward and Barker destroyed Emerson's dream of realizing danger that she might find a husband and leave him in the lurch. chaste fellowship here on earth. "A flash of lightning shivers my castle in the As Emerson asserted, his affections were not deficient. On the contrary, air," he wrote to Fuller. As Carl F. Strauch has noted, Emerson repeated this he wrote in his journal on 18 August, the attraction with which these young metaphor in his poem "Initial, Daemonic, and Celestial Love," where he as- people drew him was SO great as to make them his "tyrants." "Two or three serted that the pride and selfishness inherent in "Daemonic" love would, in the men and three or four women rule the life of every mortal Unable to escape end, "shiver the palaces of glass." Emerson had mistakenly believed that Ward from these tyrants, he scuds behind a grave-stone at last, and if you go there in and Barker's love above the "Daemonic" to the "Celestial" level, which look, you shall find a tuft of fresher grass." Emerson later turned this journal was governed by the principle set forth in his couplet "When each the other entry into the poem "Manners," where he gives the character based on his shall avoid, / Shall each by each be most enjoyed." To Emerson's chagrin, addled, love-oppressed self the name Endymion. The name strangely muddles Barker and Ward turned out not to be the "shining examples of Denial" he had the poem. In the myth as most readers know it, it is Diana, not Endymion hoped they were. 121 whose painful need to gaze on her beloved puts her at a loss. 118 "Celestial" was also the word that Lidian, with one of her customary side- The weekend of 22-24 August, Emerson hosted Barker, Fuller, and Sturitis swipes, used to describe Emerson's letter of congratulation to Barker and in Concord. "My three golden days," Emerson called their time togethe Ward. "Mr. Emerson," Lidian wrote to her sister-in-law on 2 September 1840, "these flying days." The four seem to have reached a new level of spiritual "has written Anna a celestial letter on the occasion. This expression must not closeness. In high Swedenborgian style, they vowed to address each other AA be repeated. I don't want it talked about and made ridiculous as it easily might brother and sister. "I shall never quite go back to my old arctic habits," Emer be." "Celestial" was how Emerson described the sincerity with which Barker son wrote to Fuller afterward. "I shall believe that nobleness is loving, N and Ward would henceforth be able to address their "high prisoner," Emer- delights in sharing itself." 119 Emerson's letters describe this interlude in a tone son. Lidian was correct that the letter might easily be made ridiculous, but so exalted as to be cloying, perhaps because by the time the letters were incorrect in claiming that it was written to Barker. It was studiously addressed written, only a few days later, that exaltation had already met with disappoint to both husband- and wife-to-be. Its yous cannot be sorted. Consider the ment. He was asserting the glories of a moment he knew had already passed following passage: His hopes were dashed on 27 August, at the Phi Beta Kappa ceremonies of the Harvard commencement. There, Barker let Emerson know that she and Certainly I have never yet got so far with you, my dear brother, (for SO today Ward were engaged. Emerson's first reaction was "a certain terror," It stunned at least I will joyfully call you;) we have halted hitherto on the precincts of speech with whatever confidence we have both augured our final relation him to discover that Barker's engagement antedated the "three golden days And Anna for the most of the time has quite overpowered all my talents And she had spent with Emerson, Fuller, and Sturgis. As he explained to Sturgis, I yet I must say in some moments your angel has appeared at all the doors thought that the whole spirit of our intercourse at Concord implied another melted my reserves & prepared me to say things never before spoken. But if resolution. I thought she had looked the world through for a man as universal you grow SO fast on my love & reverence that I can dare believe that this dear as herself & finding none, had said 'I will compensate myself for my great style we are learning to use to each other is to become very fact then we can Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 231 230 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans drop our words-of-course & can afford the luxury of sincerity. There are beyond even the strain of heroism & resign without a sigh two Friends." In many degrees of sincerity, & persons like us three who know the elegance of Emerson's opinion, Fuller's new piety indicated that the strain had been too truth may yet be far without their own highest mark of simple intercourse, much for her. In his section of the Memoirs of Margaret Fuller Ossoli, years later, Emerson recalled that "in the summer of 1840, she passed into certain Emerson begins by addressing Ward as "you, my dear brother." Then he refers religious states, which did not impress me as quite healthy, or likely to be to Barker in the third person as "Anna." By the end of the section, he is permanent. discussing "us three" - Emerson, Ward, and Barker. Whose angel appeared at No doubt Fuller's loss of Barker and Ward was aggravated by her sense that all the doors? Deliberately and perhaps appropriately - since two flesh are to Emerson, too, had begun to withdraw. In the aftermath of Ward and Barker's be made one - it is impossible to say for sure. 122 engagement, Emerson's relationships with Fuller and Sturgis changed quickly. Like Emerson, Fuller, too, experienced the marriage as both a personal loss At first, Sturgis advanced, as if by default, from her role as sentimental backup. and a philosophical letdown. For years afterward, her journals memorialized She and Emerson exchanged a series of letters whose maudlin vows escalated 3 October Ward's birthday and the date of Barker and Ward's wedding-> dangerously. Sturgis assured him that she would continue to love him even if a sad anniversary. She recorded 3 October 1844, for example, as an "Anniver she married; he wrote that "you shall be my saint & purify me wholly." She sary of the most moving event of my life, when the Ideal seemed nearest in explained that "I loved you SO much, that I could easily see how I could love earthly realization-al Just as Emerson wrote "Initial, Daemonic, and you & others also"; he wrote that "you shame my little faith by your large- Celestial Love" to work through his disappointment, Fuller composed in Jan ness." But then, as quickly as their friendship had overheated, it crashed. By uary 1841 a long poem about the mystic union of an angel of music named 13 October, Emerson seems to have wearied of Sturgis's melodramatic rap- Melodia (representing Fuller) and a man conjured from white marble named tures. "And you have found out that you are alone, & only now, and only for Paria (representing Ward). 123 yourself," he wrote her, once again in the style of no-friend to no-friend. "I am Whereas Emerson settled on the ancient Roman relief of Endymion as his alone, and will you please to tell me of any friend of yours whom you know or emblem of chaste love, Fuller chose a painting by Raphael of the Virgin Mary have read of, who is not." On 18 October, he reproved her sharply for her and Christ Crucified. Fuller saw the bond between Christ and his mother a credulous interest in animal magnetism and for using too many superlatives. the paragon for nonsexual relationships of great strength and intensity, In a "I have written you down in my books & in my heart for my sister because you woundingly frank letter that Ward wrote to Fuller, probably during this period are a user of the positive degree," he warned her. She was free to love him with of final revelations, Ward referred to Fuller's belief "that an attachment sub others, if necessary, but not to abuse her adjectives. 126 sisted between Jesus and Mary sufficient to suggest to the spotless son of God As with Sturgis, SO with Fuller, but more sourly. Fuller must have hoped that the existence of a new, vast, and tumultuous class of human emotions." Fuller the sympathy of a shared loss would bring Emerson closer to her. It did not. had evidently accused Ward of turning his back on this new class of emotions The two did not experience even the brief surge of unreal, friendly hyperbole His angry response came very close to reminding her that as a virgin she had that Sturgis and Emerson exchanged. Instead, Fuller turned to Emerson with no way of knowing for sure that sexual love was a lesser thing than Platonii the full burden of her emotional needs, exacerbated by her recent losses. Emer- love. "I, too, once knew and recognized the possibility of Platonic affection li son retreated. On September, in a half-apology for not answering her letters is possible to those who have never passed the line X Before that, all the promptly, he explained that he was rationing his correspondence. "A letter for higher class of emotion all the nobler views of life exist; but in a shape that it letter & not for a billet, especially, if, as in late instances, that billet be a seems sublimated and idealized to the more experienced: to those who have dun." Fuller's billets, however doux, struck Emerson as accounts payable. On passed that line, the higher emotions and the passions are apt to be always 26 September, he complained in his journal, "You would have me love you. afterward inextricably commingled. What shall I love? Your body? The supposition disgusts you." While he strug- Emerson relapsed easily into his former Transcendental isolation. Fullei gled to reestablish the walls that had formerly distanced them, she struggled to took the blow harder. Her identification with Raphael's Madonna formed tear them down. Emerson alleged that there was "a certain willfulness" in her part of a larger religious crisis. To Sturgis, she wrote of "mighty changes in on claim that "I am yours & yours shall be." He maintained that in fact "we meet spiritual life." Emerson did not think much of these changes. When news of & treat like foreign states." the engagement had broken, he had warned Fuller that "you must be generous "But did not you ask for a 'foe' in your friend?" Fuller urged Emerson, Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 233 232 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans quoting "Friendship" back to him. "Did not you ask for a 'large formidate Dreams can accomplish it number of contradictory purposes and usually nature'? But a beautiful foe, I am not yet to you." The strictures that Emerad do. But it is likely that the dream reformers' objections were the same objec- had set on himself to enable him to approach Ward now did double duty tions that Emerson and Fuller had offered to the marriage of Ward and Barker barriers that kept Fuller at bay. After a month of Fuller's recriminations ule ever the course of the previous year. That is, marriage, with its proprietary Emerson's regrets rendered especially awkward when Emerson was invite claims, impeded the exchange of emotions that celestial friendships left free to Ward and Barker's wedding and Fuller apparently was not - Emerson the and clear. Marriage would bring Ward financial burdens that would have bad the door firmly. "Ice has its uses," he told her on 22 October. On 24 October consequences to the history of his genius," just as it would put Barker in he wrote that Iought never to have suffered you to lead me into any converse a state of financial dependence that would infantilize her genius. The vigor- tion or writing on our relation." By repeatedly analyzing their friendship ous firehose, then, corresponds not to the force of patriarchy or to the force Fuller had violated the "pudency" that, in Emerson's opinion, ought to IIIIII el Emerson's sexual drive but to what had thwarted Fuller and Emerson: late friendship from language. 128 Ward's sexual drive. Transcendental rationales could not contain it. In his Fuller and Sturgis consoled each other by sharing notes on the rejections dream, Emerson takes a vicarious pleasure in the dousing- he is "astonished each had received from Emerson. After Fuller read over one of Emerson & amused" because it confirms Ward's erotic power. This power always scolding letters to Sturgis, she wrote Sturgis that "Waldo is secluded by fascinated Emerson. "What a master in life!" he wrote to Sturgis about Ward doubt, secluded by a sneer." "O these tedious, tedious attempts to learnith several years later. "I compared this man, who is a performance, with others universe by thought alone. Love, Love, my Father, thou hast given me, who seem to me only prayers.' At the end of his dream, Emerson also takes thank thee for its pains." But Emerson wanted no more of its pains. Although a firsthand pleasure in the dousing when the speaker hoses him, too. The they protested, the two women had to accept the new limits Emerson set in dream thus assuages Emerson: even as Ward is lost to marriage, the eruption their intimacies with him. They continued to write and see him often. But the of his sexual energy includes Emerson in its shower. experiment in celestial love was over. 129 "Ward I shall not lose," Emerson vowed shortly after he learned that Ward One night near New Year's, 1841, Emerson dreamed of a convention as would marry. And he never did lose him. Emerson wrote to Ward until the end sembled to discuss the institution of marriage, where "grave & alarming el of his life. It was hard for Emerson to reconcile himself to Ward's marriage and jections [were] stated on all hands to the usage." But this reformist debate took what this meant for Ward's "genius." A year after the wedding, Emerson a strange turn: praised Ward to Carlyle as "a beautiful & noble youth of a most subtle & magnetic nature" while still regretting that Ward had "sacrificed [his art] to One speaker at last rose & began to reply to the arguments, but suddenly Despair." And Ward is probably behind an enigmatic entry in Emerson's 1843 extended his hand & turned on the audience the spout of an engine which journal: "A soft lovely child always truer & better, unhurt amidst the noxious copiously supplied from within the wall with water & whisking it vigorousl influences of wealth & ultra whiggism, & can resist everything unless it were about, up, down, right, & left, he drove all the company in crowds hither the vitriolic acid of marriage." But despite his bitterness over Ward's choice all of thither & out of the house. Whilst I stood watching astonished & amused it life, Emerson continued to love him. A tone of longing persists through the malice & vigor of the orator, I saw the spout lengthened by a supply of hose behind, & the man suddenly brought it round a corner & drenched THE Emerson's letters to Ward. In 1848, on board a steamship returning from of as I gazed. I woke up relieved to find myself quite dry, and well convinced that England, Emerson wrote to Ward as if he were at last realizing the fantasy and the Institution of Marriage was safe for tonight. his 1838 journal, of being "shut up in a little schooner with a man" "husband[ing] my joys" by thinking of but not speaking to this beloved fellow This dream has been much interpreted. Christopher Newfield has read it passenger: "What is it or can it be to you that through the long mottled trivial the reformers' objections to marriage stemmed from an opposition to pa a dreaming brother cherishes in a corner some picture of you as a type or triarchy and as if the dream was Emerson's way of using passivity to identify years nucleus of happier visions & a freer life. I am so safe in my iron limits from himself with a restored patriarchal power. Joel Porte has read it as if the intrusion or extravagance, that I can well afford to indulge my humour with reformers' objections were to the failure of marriage to give sufficient vent to the figures that pass my dungeon window, without incurring any risk of a sexuality and as if the dream offered Emerson "an alternative way to express ridiculous shock from coming hand to hand with my Ariels & Gabriels." his drives," which were not being satisfied with Lidian. 10 "Your loving fellow film," Emerson signed this letter. As he explained in one of Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans 235 234 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans the masses too well. For lectures to support him, Emerson had to deliver them hislastletters to Ward, "I only desire to know that there is a mind with the in which was not as efficient as the existing technology permitted. inthe car or the ship. "132 Emerson's person, lectures perpetuated an authorial presence that was increasingly Emerson's hierotomy completes a movement that the diaries of Leander archaic, the hallmark of an earlier literary mode. Emerson's sortie into magazine publishing also attempted to exploit a tran- Lorenzo began. The essay "Friendship" has cut itself off from the desire flian sition. In his late career, Charles Brockden Brown had struggled to make a generated it, its author's wish to reach another man. It bloomed from this commercial success out of an American magazine. By contrast, Emerson's situation, which gives it its aroma. But although Emerson once asserted (till "the root of the plant is not unsightly to science, though for chaplets mil magazine The Dial was designed at the outset to be something other than a commercial success. It was not necessary for The Dial to fail in the market- festoons we cut the stem short," it was in fact his technique to cut the floor from its root. 133 In the genteel, wealthy beau monde of eighteenth century place, but to succeed there was not its goal. Emerson and Fuller intended The America, it was the connection of a work of art to its author that counted Bill Dial to perform a kind of literary arbitrage, to take advantage of the disparity in the public, democratic marketplace of nineteenth-century literature the III prestige between belles lettres and the marketplace. They did not look workhad to be cut from its author SO that any purchaser of the text could find beyond their social circle for contributors. The Dial was a liminal form - a printed, mass-circulation vehicle for the writings of an elite accustomed to menni ga pleasure there. Emerson is crucial to American literature because he resists this demand exchanging their work privately. "It serves as a sort of portfolio," Emerson explained to Carlyle, "to carry about a few poems or sentences which would even as accommodates himself to it. His style brings forward the cruditi otherwise be transcribed and circulated. "136 biathe marketplace inflicts on the personal, in a way that the marketplace Corresponding to this ambition, one theme of The Dial was the value (and appreciate. By making hierotomy central to his style, Emerson draws attention othecut. Again and again, Emerson intimates to us that he has suffered lost difficulty) of romantic friendships, the relationships that composed belletristic circles. The tone of etherealized homosexual libido that pervaded the corre- that grief will never quite heal. "The only thing grief has taught me, is tokaira bow shallow it is," he writes in "Experience." Emerson respects the cut he has spondence of the Fuller-Emerson circle also infused The Dial. Thoreau, for nade, and he never connects with what he has lost. Even his son's death does example, contributed his poems "Sympathy" and "Friendship," as well as his tottouch "134 The reader is thus able to substitute private losses for l'me elegant translations of Anacreontic verse, which muted but did not altogether me. sit who has, as it were, cut his losses to make this possible. suppress their frequent homoeroticism. 137 The Dial published Charles King Newcomb's one and only literary work, a story entitled "The First Dolon," Emerson resists moving forward from this moment of sacrifice. He knows hose bewildering mix of sadism, pedophilia, and religiosity went unmatched marhisstrength is in transition. "Power resides in the moment of transition toma past to a new state," he writes in "Self-Reliance"; and in his essay for half a century. In The Dial, Fuller was able to continue the homilies on friendship that Plato, Emerson recommends that transitions "be adroitly managed to present Emerson no longer wanted to hear. On the last page of the first issue, she much transitional surface as possible." Emerson's moment fell in what admonished any reader who was overprudent in offering affection, "Wise Inqueville called a "period of glory as well as of ferment, when the conditiona (men are not sufficiently settled for the mind to be lulled in torpor, when man, you never knew what it is to love." In her essay on "Romaic and Rhine Ballads," she jabbed at Emerson by quoting his intimacy-averse couplets from are sufficiently unequal for men to exercise a vast power on the minde of another." The sacrifice of the personal held the greatest poignancy when The Sphinx," literature had not yet finished its migration from the drawing room to du Have I a lover bookstore, Who is noble and free? Emerson managed his own literary career to maximize this transitional I would he were nobler stace, Lyccum lecturing was a livelihood that locomotives made possible Than to love me HM as newspapers threatened to render it obsolete. Throughout his carefill Emerson had to bully and sweet newspaper editors out of printing mail and alleging that they would have nonplussed the Norse hero Siegfried, who was as fearless of friendship as of dragons. In her essay "Bettine Brentano and kipts of his lectures, because newspapers threatened to deliver his message 236 Emerson's "Friendship" and the Samaritans Her Friend Günderode," Fuller again took Emerson to fill will Emerson found in Hafiz, as he had not found in Fuller or among her circle, a disparaging quotation. Fuller noted that although Goethe had failed horse naughty enough 10 match his good horse Plato. In his first collec- Bettina had been able to save her faith 111 romantic friendship In the Poems of 1847, Emerson published two of his secondhand transla- female friend, the canoness Günderode. An individual failure III its of Hafiz. The Persian title of one of the poems was Sakiname, or "The of Fuller observed, ought not to discourage faith in friendship intl tank of the Cupbearer." Emerson modestly retitled it "From the Persian survivor if in losing his friend, he loses not the idea of friendship birth Haliz." But as the original title suggests, this and many of Hafiz's poems were sex relationship of Bettina and Günderode, friendship's ideal adressed to young men. Emerson knew this. In the essay "Persian Poetry," without compromise "We feel of these two that they were Emerson translated with unrectified gender the compliment that Hafiz once another to be led to indicate their best thoughts, their fairest visitive lid to a youth he liked: "Take my heart in thy hand, O beautiful boy of therefore theirs was a true friendship. They needed not 'descend in these thiraz! / I would give for the mole on thy cheek Samarcand and Buchara." But for the story this chapter tells, perhaps the most provocative Stide from his infamous 1860 advice to Whitman to tone down the sexual this vein was a poem Ward gave to The Dial. "The Twin Lover from entent of Leaves of Grass, Emerson almost never felt shame when other Platonic myths of Phaedrus and the Symposium to the Choice of Writers expressed loves he would have sternly censured in himself. In Repre- Ward faced in his personal life. In the poem, the narrator descendi from entative Men, he grandly proclaimed, "Let none presume to measure the starry sphere to earth, forgetting all but "a faint dim belief" in heaven irregularities of Michel Angelo and Socrates by village scales." And in the case falls. Once on earth, he meets two gods of love, both male, each of of lafiz, too, Emerson asserted that "this boundless charter is the right of beckons to the narrator to follow. The first god, "like the Grense the Benius."142 stands silent at first, "so statue-like, SO earnest, so severe," The itemil into Emerson never published any but those first two of his translations of Hafiz, prattles amiably and seductively about earthly pleasures. The first noil take and he omitted even these from the second and all later editions of his poetry. rupts the second god sternly, and the narrator knows which alternative still, the energy he privately poured into his translations of Hafiz during the must choose. "My soul was strengthened, SO that the proud next decade suggests that he was thinking about sex, love, friendship, and power within me like its own." The narrator chooses to follow the literary art long after his experiment in intimacy with Fuller, Ward, Barker, god up the "rocky path" toward virtue. Intriguingly, the narrator brime the and Sturgis had collapsed. Perhaps Hafiz appealed SO strongly because Emer- second, softer love-god with him, and whenever the rocky path's ion had learned to distinguish Plato's austere conclusions from Plato's more the boy's feet offend, In my strong arms I bear the sorrowing child lavier playful methods; perhaps he had learned to read Plato more as Fuller read biographical terms, no doubt the first love-god represents Ward's him. After all, as Ward's poem intimated, Emerson himself was a sort of love- Emerson, and the second ove-god represents his wife, Emerson Once ment god - a Cupid-Socrates whose arrows were all the sharper for teaching that that American literature was "optative"; nonetheless, "both" is not realis desires were never meant to be satisfied. Ido not drink wine," Emerson wrote satisfactory resolution to the Choice of Hercules. It was a pleasant in his journal in 1849, "but would have the name of drinking wine." Or, as he Ward's part, written perhaps for Emerson's benefit. In the event, Want lerita But it, even more ambiguously, in a stanza he adapted from Hafiz: stern angel tread his rocky path alone. 140 As these items suggest, The Dial would well repay a literary the To a wink sacrificed I examined it from the angle of gay studies. So would another of Employer My virtue Ah therein is all my store long-running interests, the Persian poet Hafiz, whom Emerson first mentions Of good works. 143 in his journal in 184 " Tis easy out of the soul to banish lust / Not FARE friend from the soul to thrust," ran one of Emerson's manuscript translational of a Hafiz ghazal. The couplet captures Emerson's own ambivalent attitude toward love and friendship almost too well. More often, Hafiz's intered in friendship ran to the ecstatic, unabashedly. Emerson filled hundreds of intritist pages with his translations of Hafiz, made not from Persian texts but francis books of German versions prepared by Joseph von Hammer Purgstall in TheDial 1843 V. 4 1843.) Art-and Architecture. 107 Samuel g. Ward NOTES ON ART AND ARCHITECTURE [NOTE. A few sheets have fallen into our hands, which contain such good sense on the subject of architecture, that we shall not be deterred by their in- complete method from giving them to our readers, in the hope that they will come to the eye of soine person proposing to build a house or a church, in time to save a new edifice from some of the faults, which make our domestic and what we call our religious architecture insignificant.] ART. THERE are three periods of art. First, when the thought is in advance of the execution. Second, when the expres- sion is adequate to the thought. And third, when the expression is in advance of the thought. The first is the age of the Giottos and Cimabues the second, of Raphaels and Michel Angelos. The third is the only one we know by experience. How inexpressibly interesting are those early works, where art is only just able to shadow forth dimly the thought the master was burdened with. They seem to suggest the more, because of their imperfect utter- ance. True art is an expression of humanity, and like all other expressions, when it is finished, it cannot be repeated. It is therefore childish to lament the absence of good painters. We should lament the absence of great thoughts, for it is the thought that makes the painters. Art is the blossoming of a century-plant. Through hun- dreds of years the idea grows onward in the minds of men, and when it is ripe, the man appears destined to gather it. It was not Raphael who painted, but Italy, Greece, and all antiquity painting by his hand, and when that thought was uttered, the flowers dropped. The aloe blossomed in the Gothic Architecture of the middle ages:- - and Bach and Beethoven have in their art unfolded its wondrous leaves. In this belief may we find consolation when all around us looks SO cheerless. The noble plant whose blossoms we would SO fain see, must have its root, must have its slow growing, massive leaves, must have its cold and retarding spring, its green growth of the stalk, that it may in summer 108 Art and Architecture. [July, bring forth its flowers. Shall we not then honor earth, root, leaves, flower-stalk, nay, shall we repine that we must perhaps by our destiny be one of these, since these are part of the flower, and the flower of them, the flower is the sum of their united force and beauty transfigured, glori- fied. The artist who is fast-grounded in this pure belief is beyond the reach of disappointment and failure. If he truly loves art, he knows that he is bearing on his should- ers one stone for that stately future edifice, not the key- stone, perhaps, but a necessary stone, and silently and faithfully he works, perfecting as he may his talent, not looking to outward success, but to inward satisfaction. Such a man knows that to advance the edifice at which he labors, are needed not gorgeous successes apparent, but conscientiousness, severity, truth. What would Angelico da Fiesole have done, had some devil tempted him to work out effects, instead of painting from his heart. These men who laid the foundation of the great Italian art were relig- ious men,- men fearing God, and seeing his hand at work even in the mixing of their colors, - men who painted on their knees. Such too were the forerunners of the great German musicians, such the Greeks,-such men have laid the foundations of greatness everywhere. ARCHITECTURE. What architecture must a nation situated as we are adopt? It has no indigenous architecture, it is not there- fore a matter of religion with us, but a matter of taste. We may and must have all the architectures of the world, but we may ennoble them all by an attention to truth, and a contempt of littleness. Nay, is not our position, if we will use our advantages properly, the more fortunate, inasmuch as we are not by the force of circumstance or example, bound to be or to build in this or that particular way, - but all ways are before us to choose. If our posi- tion is unfavorable to a speedy development of national taste, it is most adapted to give fair play to individual. The crowning and damning sin of architecture with us, nay, that of bad taste everywhere, is, the doing of unmean- ing, needless things. A Friends' meeting sits silent till one 1843.) Art and Architecture. 109 has something to say ; SO should a man always,- SO should the building man never presume to do laught without rea- son. To adorn the needful, to add a frieze to life, this is Art. Rightly does the uninstructed caviller ask, when he sees a fine house, for what purpose is this balustrade, or that screen, these windows blocked up, and SO on. Let any man of good sense say to himself what sort of a house he would have for convenience, supposing him to have the space to build it on ; then let him frame and roof these rooms, and if he has made his house truly convenient, its appearance cannot be absurd. Well, but he says, my house is plain, I want it to be beautiful, - I will spend what you choose upon it, but it shall be the most beautiful in the country. Very good, my friend. We will not change a single line, but we will ornament these lines. We will not conceal but adorn your house's nakedness ; delicate mouldings shall ornament every joint ; whatever is built for convenience or use, shall seem to have been built for beautiful details ; your very doorlatch and hinges shall be beautiful. For house, say church for the purposes of daily life, say the worship of God, and behold we have the history of architecture. There is nothing arbitrary in true architecture, even to the lowest detail. The man, who should for the first time see a Greek temple of marble, would indeed ask and with reason, what meaning there was in triglyph, and metope, and frieze but when he is told that this is a marble imi- tation of a wooden building, a reproduction in a more costly material of a sacred historical form, he then sees in the triglyph the end of the wooden beam, with the marks of the trickling water drops, in the metope the flat panel between. But, says our modern builder, there is no reason that I should use triglyphs and metopes. I have no histori- cal recollection to beautify them ; what shall I use for or- naments? My friend, what form has ever struck you as beautiful ? He answers, Why, the form of every living thing, of every tree and flower and herb. And can you ask then what ornaments you shall use ? If your cornice were a wreath of thistles and burdocks curiously carved or cast, can you not see how a hundred mouths would pro- claim its superiority over yonder unmeaning layer of plaster ? 110 Art and Architecture. [July, A mistaken plainness has usurped the place of true sim- 1 plicity, which is the same mistake as an affected plainness in 1 manners or appearance, lest one should be suspected of foppery. All houses, all churches are finished within side by the plane (or mould-plane) and plaster-smoother. Has f a man made a fortune, he moves from his plain house which cost ten thousand, to one which cost an hundred t thousand. Now perhaps his poor friend shall see some- a thing beautiful. Alas, it is but the old house three times d as large, the walls and the woodwork three times as smooth ; t a little warmer house in winter, than the old one, a little t1 airier in summer. Verily, friend, thou hast done little with se thy hundred thousand, beyond enriching thy carpenter. d To see materials used skilfully and in accordance with n n their peculiar qualities is a great source of beauty in archi- en tecture. The vice of many of our would-be pretty build- de ings is that the material is entirely disguised, SO that for aught we know they may be marble, or wood, or paste- board all we see is a plain white surface. Have done with of this paltry concealment ; let us see how the thing is built. b A Swiss cottage is beautiful, because it is wooden par ex- in cellence ; every joint and timber is seen, nay the wood is W not even painted but varnished. So of the old heavy-tim- ru w bered picturesque houses of England. th Hope says; "Je n'ai pas besoin d'appuyer ici sur la perfec- sp tion que les Grecs ont donnée à toutes les parties, essentielles ad ou accessoires de leurs edifices ; elle alla si loin que, dans cer- bu tains temples ils paraissent avoir été animés d'un sentiment purement religieux, penetrés de l'idee que la divinité voyait ce ess qui échappait à l'il de l'homme, et qu'il fallait rendre toutes cre les parties egalement dignes de l'être immortel auquel l'édifice me était consacré. pro " L'addresse en mécanique est une faculté tout-à-fait dis- chi tinct du gout dans les beaux arts. tas " En Grèce, la colonne était un élément de construction plus tio characteristique et plus essentiel que la muraille." tioi Among the Romans, on the contrary, the wall was the Th integral part of the building, of which the columns served dec only to adorn the nakedness. Among ourselves, although par the pillars-we so frequently see have the real purpose of the sustaining a projection, to protect from the rays of the pre sun ; yet there is no reason that we should adopt for this a ( 1843.] Art and Architecture. 111 1- purpose a model of proportions that were meant to support 11 the immense weight of the whole structure in Greece. How of much more elegant would our verandahs be, were the le wooden columns just SO large as is needful for the purpose IS for which they were erected. se " Ainsi, les premières basiliques chrétiennes n'offraient, dans ed toute leur entendue, si l'on excepte leurs colonnes antiques, aucune moulure, aucune partie qui ressortit et se detachât de leur surface plane et perpendiculaire ; elles ue présen- taient, au-dessus de leurs murailles nues que la charpente le transversale de leur plafond, et de leur toit; elles res- th semblaient en un mot à de vastes granges, que l'on aurait bati de somptueux materiaux, mais la simplicité, la pureté, la mag- th nificence, l'harmonie de toutes leurs parties constitutives, don- i- naient a ces granges un air de grandeur que nous cherchons en vain dans l'architecture plus compliquée des églises mo- dernes." or In the eye of every New Englander, the essential parts th of a church are a spire or tower, half-disengaged from the It. building and formerly a porch, and a simple oblong build- ing like a barn, forming the main body of the edifice; is within, the pulpit at the end opposite the tower, a gallery m- running round the other three sides, supported by columns which in some cases also shoot upward to aid in supporting the roof. In spite of the almost total absence of beautiful ec- specimens, it is in vain to say that this form is not as well les adapted to beauty as the basilica or any other. If the er- builder would content himself with putting together these ent essential parts with the utmost simplicity, without any ex- tes crescences or breaking up, striving only to balance the ice members against each other, SO that each should have its proper proportion, he would produce a specimen of national dis- church architecture. The spire would seem to be in better taste than the square tower, partly because of the associa- lus tions, but also because its form is agreeable to a construc- tion in wood, which we shall long see in this country. the The artist may employ all his taste and imagination in ved decorations, (always entirely subordinate,) of these main gh parts, taking care that his decorations are in keeping with of the uses of the building. How unmeaning beside the un- the pretending simplicity of such a building, is the pretence of this a Grecian front, - not that the native product shows SO 112 Art and Architecture. [July, much genius in the invention, but that it has a sacred as- sociation in our eyes, which the other has not. In the same way that the literature of the ancient world, for SO long a time dwarfed the authors of a modern date, does the ancient architecture, Gothic and Grecian, dwarf our builders. They dare not invent for themselves, for their inventions would seem SO puerile beside the great works to which the world would compare them. It is cheaper for them and more satisfactory to their customers, to borrow a form that all the world has admitted to be beautiful, and almost inevitably degrade it by putting it to a wrong use. In poesy no one longer doubts that the nature around us is the nature from which Homer and Phidias drew inspiration, and it is the spirit and not the forms of ancient art that make its productions almost divine. Scarcely in architec- ture do we see the first faint light of such a dawn, yet it depends upon ourselves, that ours shall be that glory. An intense thirst for the beautiful exists among us, - it only requires a direction. It is idle for us to complain of the want of models, the want of instruction. England has wealth of these beyond count, yet build's nowadays no more tastefully than we ; it must come from ourselves, from reflection, from the study of nature. Materials rightly employed grow more beautiful with age. In pure architecture, everything is to be rejected, that will grow less beautiful with age. For this end, it is sufficient that every material should be employed with an eye to its peculiar properties. This rule, if strictly followed, would indeed do away with several materials, the cheapness of which has rendered their use almost universal, but which deserve no place in the severe and simple architecture which should distinguish our churches. Let it not be our reproach that we are a nation of lath and plaster and temporary shifts ; let our joints and beams be made beautiful, not hidden, - let our wood work show the grain of the wood for ornament, not hide it under paint. Suppose one of our churches were to be left alone for fifty years, when we enter how unlovely would it be, the plaster dropping away, showing the laths like ribs beneath, the paint dingy and mouldy, reminding us of nothing but the tomb - but the interior of the unpainted, unplastered, 1843.] Art and Architecture. 113 gothic church would still be beautiful in age, and frag- ments of carved oak be treasured at its weight in silver. Architecture is a tendency to organization. Nature or- ganizes matter, and endows it with individual life. Man organizes it for his own ends, but it has no life but SO far as he has been able to endow it with his own. Now in natural organizations as the tree or animal, we see no part that has not a meaning and use, and each part of that material which answers to its end. This also is a funda- mental law of architecture. The ancient architecture is entitled to that great praise of producing on the mind an effect of unity. It has been too often the bane of modern architecture, that what one man designed, his successor changed, SO that to the most unpractised eyc, the grossest inconsistencies are constantly apparent till we are almost ready to say in despair, there is no good architecture but in the mind of the artist. It cannot be doubted that either Bramante, Sangallo, or M. Angelo, alone, would have made a far finer building than the actual St. Peters. The modern architects certainly attempted more difficult things than the ancient. The Greek had not to invent the form of his edifice. Nature and immemorial custom had done that for him. He was only to see that all his details were in due proportion. There was not SO much room for had taste. But the church architect of the renaissance had the whole dome of the heavens to exhibit his antics in. MONUMENTS. In regard to monuments it may be laid down as a rule that all sentimental monuments are bad, and all conceits of every sort ; as, a broken column, a mother weeping over her child, a watchful dog, &c. They strike at first, but the mind wearies to death of them the moment they are repeated. To my mind, a monument should be an archi- tectural structure (including any admitted form of obelisk, pyramid, or of any style of architecture), which should be only striking by the simplicity and purity of its form. Its adorments may be infinitely rich, but always entirely sub- VOL. IV. NO. 1. 15 114 Art and Architecture. [July, ordinate ; SO that at a distance the effect shall always be of simplicity and repose. A simple headstone might be wrought by a Phidias, might contain the most exquisite sculptures, and still never lose its character of a simple headstone. Our monuments are all in the open air con- sequently those Gothic tombs that with all their splendor have SO severely religious an air, are denied us. I prefer upon a tomb figures of a vague character, what are called academic figures. These, when noble in their form and ex- pression, produce an effect analogous to architecture, sug- gestive,- - whereas all figures of a fixed character, Charities, Hopes, Griefs, &c., irresistibly put their own character for- ward, and give the intellect an occupation where we should awaken only feelings. It is as if we should introduce descriptive music into a requiem. A monument should never tell you what to think or feel, but only suggest feeling. The renowned monument of Lorenzo di Medici by Michel Angelo is an illustration. The feeling of repose, not of forgetfulness, but of deepest thought, which it im- presses, is so complete, that the gazer almost forgets himself to stone, and it seems like an intrusion to ask what the figures mean. We feel that they mean all things. The style and spirit of the Grecian Architecture is SO pure that when an architect adopts it, he must carry it out. As far as the details are concerned, nothing can with propriety be added to or taken from them. They are things fixed. If a man uses the Ionic, we demand a pure Greek Ionic, and everybody knows what it ought to be. To adapt these details in Greek spirit to modern needs, this is what classic architecture has in modern times to do. The architects who have accomplished this feat in a satis- factory manner, in modern times, are SO few, that one may number them on his fingers and scarce need his left hand. To do this a man must be a Greek, and more than a Greek. He has to live in the past and present at the same time. He must be independent of his time, and yet able to enter fully into it. The Gothic and the Lombard architecture, on the other hand, make no such all but impossible demands,-- or at least did not, at the time in which they flourished, though it is no less hard for us to enter into their spirit than into 1843.] The Glade. 115 the Grecian, - perhaps even harder, since the principle of the Gothic is complex, and the ideas which controlled both it and the Lombard have told their errand, and have past away from the world. The Grecian being conceived in a more universal spirit, aspiring to absolute perfection, has in it the principle of life, it has been the parent of the others, and yet flourishes green and strong, while its offspring have passed into decrepitude. It would be well for us, once for all, to abandon the attempt to transplant hither the Gothic Architecture. The noble trees yet stand in the old world, but their seeds are decayed, the woodwork, that we dignify by this name, can only excite a sigh or a smile at its utter want of harmony and use. A few fine churches we may have, like Trinity church in New York, but they can be only approximations to foreign works. There is nothing new to be done in Gothic architecture. Its capacities, infinite as they seem, ,are in fact limited, and are exhausted. Not SO with the Grecian. It is not indeed to be expected that we shall make more perfect specimens than were made two thousand years ago, but we may reproduce those in endless new combinations. This is what Palladio and Bramante did, and new Palladios and Bramantes would always find room. THE GLADE. A GREEN and vaporous cloud of buds the larch Folds in soft drapery above the glade, Where deeper-foliaged pines high over-arch, And diguity the heavy, stooping shade, There yellow violets spring, in Tarest show, And golden rods in secret clusters blow. There piping hylas fill the helpless air, And chattering black-birds hold their gossip by, And near I saw the tender maiden-hair, With the fine, breeze-born, white anemone; The glade, though undisturbed by human art, Has richer treasures than the busy mart. CONCORD AUTHORS Emerson, R.W., subject Myerson, J. The New England transcententalists Samuel Gray Ward 215 ainst of his verses appeared in the Dial. Also, immediately after the Spirit's departure ginal in 1840, Very wrote few poems. When one of his three poems in the Dial, "The I not Evening Choir," appeared "altered considerably" by Emerson from what Very ided had written, he was upset. But, since he no longer believed that the Spirit wrote his poems, Very protested only mildly, no doubt taking Emerson's editorial work g or to be a statement upon a deficiency in his own poetic talents. ² ¹ I the Very was "much pleased and satisfied" with "the occasional glances" he got of n he the Dial. He followed Alcott's trip to England in the October 1842 number, ban- which he thought "a superior one," and he suggested that the Dial publish some- S in- thing on Heraud's lectures. However, Emerson, Very, and the Dial soon drifted Very apart, and Emerson, who had placed Very on the free list after his contribution to the ninth number, failed to send him any more copies after April 1843. 22 une. four By that date Emerson had decidedly given up on Very; subsequent references rite. to him in Emerson's journal are always in the past tense, as if speaking of a dead reely man. 23 Emerson recognized that Very was no longer the "saint" he had earlier and appeared to be, and, looking back, he saw him as "morbid" even then. In 1839 Con- Emerson had drawn this picture of Very: "Here is Simeon the Stylite in the both shape of Jones Very, religion for religion's sake, religion divorced, detached from ing. man, from the world, from science & art; grim, unmarried, insulated, accusing; cted yet true in itself, & speaking things in every word. The lie is in the detachment." when Now, but a few years later, Emerson found him to be "lamentably sane."24 t his ling, olem 38 d by (& orial Samuel Gray Ward ery's son- uller Two 844 eur" Samuel Gray Ward was the wealthiest of the Dial's contributors. When he was born in Boston on 3 October 1817, his father was well on his way to the half- onal million-dollar fortune he would leave at his death in 1858. Ward's early educa- und tion was at the Boston Latin School, where he was first scholar, and the Round cted Hill school in Northampton, Massachusetts, where he met Ellery Channing. The ckly boy's interest in learning was encouraged by his father, the treasurer of the orth Boston Athenaeum. His father was also the treasurer of Harvard, and in 1832 Club Ward entered college there. ersa- At Harvard Ward's classmates included Jones Very, and another his undergraduate, Channing, became his friend. Upon his graduation Ward of a toured Europe. When he returned to Boston in the summer of 1838, he entered his father's the mercantile business and left to work at a branch in New Orleans. One reason few CONCORD AUTHORS Emerson, R.W., sub ject Myerson, J. The New Eng land transcententalists 217 Samuel Gray Ward why he chose New Orleans was Anna Barker, a beautiful young socialite there whom he had met at Cambridge, Massachusetts, and again in Europe. When spring came and Ward journeyed back to Boston, he found himself very much in love, and in May 1839 he returned to New Orleans to propose. Ward, who fan- cied himself a "student" and a "literary man," discovered that Miss Barker felt that there was "very little probability" of marriage unless his plans of "a scholar's life gave place to some lucrative profession." Unwilling to trade art for commerce, Ward returned home, arriving at Boston in a state of health that worried his family. Although he insisted that "Anna used no influence," he also realized that he must "satisfy not only her feelings but her tastes," and when she came north in June, he proposed to her again with the full understanding that he was to provide material as well as spiritual comfort.¹ To this end Anna's father promised Ward a position in his banking firm. The engagement was formally announced, and Ward's father prepared a house on fashionable Louisburg Square in Boston for the young couple to live in after their October marriage. Another woman in Ward's life was Margaret Fuller, whom he had first met in 1835. Although she did not immediately like him,2 Ward took to her at once. And, when she moved to Boston in 1835, Ward wrote from London to tell his sister that "by all means" she should try to take lessons from Fuller, "a most delightful acquaintance and with a universality of knowledge." They cor- responded, and he gratefully followed her guidance in his literary and artistic pursuits. However, Fuller wished an emotional as well as an intellectual involve- ment, and Ward's engagement to Anna Barker both stunned and angered her.4 Having known Anna for many years, Fuller was especially hurt because she thought Ward had chosen beauty over intelligence. Even worse to her was his choosing the "dead wood" of a banker's desk as his profession.6 It was through Fuller that Ward met Ralph Waldo Emerson. After hearing him lecture in Boston Ward asked her for an introduction, and the two met for the first time in the summer of 1838. In October of the following year Ward in- troduced Emerson to Anna. By 1840 the two were well on the way to a large cor- respondence, and Emerson found Ward "beautiful" to him among the "many ordinary & mediocre youths" of his acquaintance. Fuller also introduced Ward to Caroline Sturgis and Ellen Hooper, and their mutual friendship with Ellery Channing assured frequent meetings and letters.9 Another uniting force was the Dial. Fuller would often copy Ward's poems for Sturgis to see, and from her supply of them she chose four to include in the Dial's first. number. The New-Yorker thought well enough of his sonnet on Washington Allston to reprint it, and James Clarke especially asked about "The Shield. "10 Ward's approaching marriage eclipsed any further literary activity, and he was absent from the October 1840 number. On the third of that month he mar- ried Anna: Emerson wrote a letter of congratulations11 and Elizabeth Peabody, a friend of Anna's, thought Ward "blest" by having married her. The capricious Channing, whose poetry Ward had shown to Emerson, bitterly 218 NEW ENGLAND TRANSCENDENTALISTS AND THE DIAL lamented the marriage, complaining that now Ward should have "no place or need for him" in his affections. 13 Fuller remained silent. Although Ward contributed a paper on Italian literature to the next Dial, his marriage and entrance into the business world soon took up all his time 14 A C friend's observation that Ward was "very well sewed up" in business was only too true. 15 Emerson still praised Ward as "a beautiful & noble youth of a most subtle & magnetic nature, made for an artist," but he noted: "For the present, he buys & sells. "16 Ward bought and sold well enough to accumulate the beginnings of a good- Charles Stear sized fortune. The money not only brought the Wards material happiness but the Dial, was was also spent on friends, in such acts as Ward's backing of Channing's poems Even Henry for publication. As Ward moved closer to relative financial independence, he writing and F again picked up his pen, and by September 1842 he had sent some pieces on art the pieces in to Emerson for the Dial. But when Emerson told Sarah Clarke and Ellen Hooper Wheeler wa who the author of the essays was, Ward withdrew most of them, leaving only cord. At four one, "The Gallery," for the October number. 17 Ward apparently wanted most of mers at Phine the unfinished pieces back to revise, now that he knew that others were aware of his authorship. At any rate, Emerson was sure that he would publish the essays, the only two and in Augus for he put an "editorial muzzle" on himself, and he warned the others to preserve Wheeler's 1 Ward's anonymity. To the letter of "warning" Emerson playfully added that, if than most of they kept Ward's secret, "as many as six or seven subscribers to the Dial shall be seriousness. ] kept in profound ignorance of our secret, & who knows but that the next educated con Number may record the death of subscribers whom curiosity has burst. "18 Ward wrote Emerson again in April 1843 about the article, and in May the James Russell fraternity. W Dial's editor thanked him for the "good news" that he would again write for the Library of A magazine. When Emerson received Ward's "papers on art, &c" at the beginning index-making of June, they were still unfinished, and he suggested that if Ward did not want to A "quiet, complete them they could be printed as "sketches." Thus Emerson, who had told and a grea Thoreau that the "good sense" of the pieces was "eminent," printed them in the undergradua July 1843 Dial as "Notes on Art and Architecture." For many readers the un- the Bowdoin finished form of the "notes" did not detract from their value. Sophia Ripley for Not Exp praised their "sense & practical American talent," which were in a rare union second hono with "taste & knowledge." Their "strength and sense" made Fuller "proud" as That sum she reread them with Sarah Clarke. 19 resident gra Ward's plan to "write on poetry" for the January 1844 Dial resulted in a review a new translation of Dante. 20 To the Dial's last number he contributed two became enga of reader for poems, one of which, "The Consolers," may be a comment on his relations with Wheeler help Emerson. 21 In June 1844 the Wards left for Lenox, Massachusetts, since their editon of Th personal worth of $35,000 now allowed them to live and work in the country for Carlyle's Fre a while. Had the Dial continued longer, it is quite possible that Ward would following tw have contributed more. Essays of Tl Alfred Tenn he prepared use at Harv 10 CONCORD AUTHORSEMERSON, R.W., subject. Myerson, J. The New England NEW ENGLAND TRANSCENDENTALISTS AND THE DIAL Appendix 315 Henry David Thoreau Samuel Gray Ward Sympathy Aulus Persius Flaccus I.1.83 "To W. Allston, On Seeing His 'Bride''' Stanzas I.1.84 Song Sic Vita I.1.121 The Shield Friendship I.1.123 Come Morir? Natural History of Massachusetts I.3.386-400 Letters from Italy on the Representatives of Italy [Metrical prayer] III.2.269-72 The Gallery The Black Knight IV.1.107-15 Notes on Art and Architecture The Inward Morning IV.3.285-90 Translation of Dante Free Love IV.4.455-57 The Twin Loves The Poet's Delay IV.4.469 The Consolers Rumors from an AEolian Harp The Moon To the Maiden in the East The Summer Rain Charles Stearns Wheeler The Laws of Menu [selected] The Prometheus Bound [translation] Anacreon III.3.388-97 [Letter from Germany] Ethnical Scriptures. [Sayings of Confucius] [selected] III.4.541-44 [Letter from Heidelberg] To a Stray Fowl Orphics. I. Smoke. II. Haze. Dark Ages A Winter Walk William Dexter Wilson Homer. Ossian. Chaucer. Pindar The Preaching of Buddha [selected] I.1.99-117 Channing's Translation of Jouffroy Herald of Freedom I.4.409-43 The Unitarian Movement in New England Fragments of Pindar Unknown John Francis Tuckerman Music of the Winter II.2.228-30 Poems on Life II.3.359 De Profundis Clamavi III.1.76-77 Vespers III.1.85 ["I asked the angels to come to me `'] Jones Very III.2.265 Lines the Dial 286 NEW ENGLAND TRANSCENDENTALISTS AND THE DIAL Chapter 38: Samuel Gray Ward Note: Biographical information is from Ward's own brief account of his life in Ward Family Papers ([Bo: Merrymount Press], 1900), and David Baldwin, "Puritan Aristocrat in the Age of Emerson: A Study of Samuel Gray Ward," Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1961. 1. Ward's statement, 2 Dec. 1843, in Baldwin, "Ward," p. 143-44; Faith Chipperfield, In Quest of Love: The Life and Death of Margaret Fuller (NY: Coward-McCann, 1957), p. 168 (health); Ward's statement, 2 Dec. 1843, in Baldwin, "Ward," p. 144. 2. On 27 July 1835, while on a boat trip near New York, Fuller had written in her journal: "About six, came out, & had a walk & a talk with Mr Ward: did not like him much" (copy by RWE, in Em- JMN, 11:484). 3. SGW to Mary Ward, 8 Nov. 1836, in Baldwin, "Ward," p. 65; in 1873 Charles Eliot Norton noted in his journal that Ward had "listened much to her, and to good purpose" (Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, ed. Sara Norton and M. A. Wolfe Howe [Bo: HoMif, 1913], 1:510). 4. In one of a series of letters to Ward Fuller stated: "You love me no more! Why hide it from me?" In another she grieved that Ward had cut her from him in his "highest hour," and she moaned that the "world has separated us as intimates" (Sept. 1839, in FuW, 1:183; 15 Oct. 1839, MH). 5. James Clarke was pleased to hear Fuller talk favorably of Anna and was glad that she had "such a sweet creature to love." Rusk correctly assumes that in Anna, "a New Orleans beauty," Fuller saw "the unrealized half of what she herself wished to be" (12 May 1835, in ClLetMF, p. 94; RuLiEm, p. 253). 6. 21 Aug. 1842, MH. 7. On 7 October 1839 Emerson recorded in his journal that in Anna he had "enjoyed the frank & generous confidence of a being so lovely, so fortunate, & so remote from [his] own experiences" (Em- JMN, 7:259). 8. 20 Apr. 1841, in ibid. p. 432; RWE, Letters from Ralph Waldo Emerson to a Friend, ed. Charles Eliot Norton [Bo: HoMif, 1899], prints only a small part of their total correspondence. 9. Ward actively promoted Channing to Fuller and quoted his words "whenever his own seemed in- adequate, esteeming [Channing] of clearer insight, and, in some respects, of finer temper then himself` (MF to W. E. Channing, (3 Oct. 1841], MH). 10. MF to CS, 10 Feb. 1840, MH; JFC to SC, 8 July 1840, MH. 11. RWE to SGW and Anna Barker, Sept. 1840, in EmL, 2:338-39. In his journal Emerson wished his "beautiful, pure, & happy friends, peace & beauty & power & the perpetuity & the sure un- folding of all the buds of joy that so thickly stud your branches" (5 Oct. 1840, in EmJMN, 7:404). 12. That night Peabody dreamed that it was John Sullivan Dwight, and not Ward, who married An- na, and she told Dwight that she "almost died of joy by way of sympathy" for him (EPP to JSD, 20 Sept. 1840, MB). 13. SGW to F. B. Sanborn, 9 June 1902, in SaRec, 2:576. To Fuller Channing said: "Why did he marry a fashionable woman, older than himself. And to marry a woman that had rejected him, what nonsense! There could have been no offering or rejecting, if the thing had been right.' Yet T. W. Higginson later called Ward the "most patient & longsuffering of Ellery's early friends" (ca. 24 Aug. 1842, in FuJ42, p. 327; Higginson to Sanborn, 10 Aug. 1895, MHarF). 14. Emerson was "delighted" with this article but admitted that what his "beautiful friends" wrote he did not examine with "Aristotelian eyes but love it instead & thank God for the sunshine` (RWE to MF, 19 Jan. 1841, in EmL, 2:377). 15. F. M. Ward to Sam Ward, Jr., 24 Jan. 1842, in Maud Howe Elliott, Uncle Sam Ward and His Circle (NY: Macmillan, 1938), p. 222. 16. RWE to TC, 14 Nov. 1841, in EmCorTC, p. 310. 17. Emerson printed the piece without so much as an initial as a sign of authorship, calling it "one paper out of our folio" and mentioning that it had been detached "from its chapter" (Dial 3:269-72). 18. RWE to SC, 30 Sept. 1842, MH. CONCORD AUTHORS Emerson, sub Myerson, ject J. Notes 287 19 RWE to SGW, [ca. 29? Apr. 1843], in Edward Waldo Emerson, The Early Years of the Saturday Club 1855-1870 (Bo: HoMif, 1918), p. 113: the date is by Rusk (EmL, 3:169); 3 May 1843, MH; RWE to MF, 7 June 1843, in EmL, 3:179; 10 June 1843, in ThCor, p. 118; SR to RWE, 5 July [1843], MH; MF to RWE, 4 Aug. 1843, in EmL, 3:194n. amily Papers 20. RWE to SGW, 23 Oct. 1843, MH. f Emerson: A 21. Baldwin suggests that Ward was "memorializing" his exchange with Emerson on spiritual mat- ters in "The Consolers" ("Ward," pp. 172-73). 1, In Quest of alth); Ward's rnal: "About Chapter 39: Charles Stearns Wheeler RWE, in Em- Eliot Norton 'TS of Charles Note: Biographical information is from John Olin Eidson, Charles Stearns Wheeler: Friend of Emer- son (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1951); also of value is the same author's "Charles Stearns Wheeler: Emerson's 'Good Grecian,'' NEQ 27 (Dec. 1954):472-83. hide it from 1. Wheeler's brother, quoted in Henry Williams, Memorials of the Class of 1837 of Harvard moaned that MH). University (Bo: Geo. H. Ellis, 1887), p. 23. 2. Wheeler recorded in his class book that "To be one of so happy a crew was a lot too blessed for he had "such ,"Fuller saw me." An example of Wheeler's industry was that he was licensed to preach on 14 June 1842 without RuLiEm, p. having ever enrolled in the divinity school (ibid.). 3. These teas not only attracted Wheeler's Cambridge friends but also strangers passing through, and in this way George William Curtis and Charles King Newcomb met Wheeler. Not everyone was the frank & happy with Wheeler's friends. Henry Wadsworth Longfellow dryly noted that "the infected class of the divinity school had gone, and "only one Transcendentalist, and he a tutor!" remained in "all iences" (Em- Cambridge. And an obituary of Wheeler complained that he was "sometimes too much absorbed with the whimsical novelties which the agitations of the age have brought to the surface of the foam- Friend, ed. ondence. ing sea of philosophical and religious discussion" (Longfellow to Sam Ward [of New York], 1 Dec. n seemed in- 1840, in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, The Letters of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, ed. Andrew emper then Hilen [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966- ]. 2:268; [Cornelius C. Felton], "Notices of Mr. Wheeler," Christian Examiner 35 [Nov. 1843]:238). 4. MF to RWE, 25 Apr. 1840, in EmL, 2:291n; TP to C. Francis, 12 June 1844, in John Weiss, Life erson wished and Correspondence of Theodore Parker [NY: Appleton, 1864], 1:241; Very to RWE, n.d., MWelC; the sure un- HDT to Helen Thoreau, 21 July 1843, in ThCor, p. 129; W. E. Channing to Sanborn, 1883, in MN, 7:404). HDT. Familiar Letters of Henry David Thoreau, ed. F. B. Sanborn (Bo: HoMif, 1894), pp. 68-69n. married An- 5. See HDT to CSW, 28 Nov. 1838, 3 Jan.. 2 Mar. 1840, in Kenneth Walter Cameron, "Thoreau P to JSD. 20 and Stearns Wheeler: Four Letters and a Reading Record," ESQ. no. 48 (III Quarter 1967), pp. 74-75. Why did he 6. RWE to CS, 5 Aug. 1842, MH. Emerson told Carlyle of the coming of his "good Grecian" him, what Wheeler, but the two never met (1 July 1842, in EmCorTC, p. 323). Yet T. W. 7. Quoted in Eidson, Wheeler, p. 64 (European life); 11 Nov. 1842, MH: one "youngster" who car- ca. 24 Aug. ried a Dial to Wheeler was Horace Mann (RWE to CSW, 30 Apr. 1843, ViU-B); CSW to RWE. 5. 24, 26 Jan. 1843, MH; RWE to LdE, 6 Jan. 1843, in EmL, 3:112. 8. RWE to FHH, 23 Mar. 1842, in EmL, 3:37-38. ends" wrote e" (RWE to 9. Quoted in CSW to J. F. Heath, 14 Nov. 1842, MH. The best account of this incident is Sculley Bradley, "Lowell, Emerson, and the Pioneer," AL 19 (Nov. 1947):231-44. ard and His 10. Wheeler also suggested that Lowell print the item in "a different order, from that which I have used, [and] things would go vastly better." Ironically, Robert Carter did just that when he used the letter in the Pioneer's unauthorized printing of it (8 Nov. 1842, MH). 11. 11 Nov. 1842, MH. lling it "one 12. RWE to WmE, 25 Nov. 1842, in EmL, 3:100. Wheeler had told Emerson to make "any erasures, ipter" (Dial verbal insertions. transpositions of sentences, or other improvements without the slightest feeling that the shadow of an apology is necessary." Since Wheeler wrote his newsletters over a period of Nathenicl Hawthorna Review 25,#1 (1999):1-20 Berkshire Quartet: Hawthornes and Tappans at Tanglewood, 1850-1851 Richard P. Stebbins Among the treasures preserved in the Archives of the Boston Symphony Orchestra is an item with special meaning for persons interested in the New England literary tradition and the history of the Tanglewood estate, the orchestra's summer home in the Berkshire Hills of western Massachu- setts. This item is an autograph letter written on blue note paper, dated from "The Red House, Sept. 7th, 1851," signed "Nathl Hawthorne," and obviously addressed to William Aspinwall Tappan, Hawthorne's host and landlord on the property now known as Tanglewood. Slightly discrepant from the version printed in the Centenary Edition of Hawthorne's corre- spondence, the letter seeks to alleviate the sting of a vexatious incident which occurred during the Hawthorne family's residency in "the little Red House," a building unremarkable in itself but much celebrated in Tanglewood annals. Hawthorne's presence in the Berkshires at the middle of the nineteenth century was part of the sequence of events that began with the loss of his position in the Salem Custom House amid the political maneuvering that followed the election of 1848. Already in his mid-forties, the author of Twice-told Tales, Mosses from an Old Manse, and a forthcoming novel entitled The Scarlet Letter had been looking out for a new residence for himself and his little family-then consisting of his wife, Sophia, and two young children, Una and Julian-where he could carry on his writing in more congenial surroundings. One such possibility had been offered by the New York-bred Mr. Tappan and his wife, a former Bostonian, a minor poet, and a Hawthorne acquaintance of some years' standing, The Tappan couple, considerably younger than the Hawthornes, was mainly renowned for the glittering, somewhat capricious temperament of its female member rather than the good-natured but painfully modest and retiring personality of her husband. As a member of one of Boston's wealthiest and most prominent families, Caroline Sturgis Tappan (1819- 1 2/26/2020 The Cottager I Highwood Manor: Where Hawthorne dreamed up Tanglewood tales I The Manchester Journal I Manchester Breaking When Ward met Fuller, he was a poet who wanted nothing to do with his father's line of work. Fuller, then editor of Emerson's "The Dial," would publish his poetry, while he taught her about the world of art. Following in the footsteps of his father, Thomas Wren Ward, the esteemed American representative of London's Baring Brothers bank, was the furthest thing from his mind He planned to remain a member of Emerson's Transcendentalist Circle, writing poetry and analyses for "The Dial" until he met Anna during the summer of 1836. In 1837, just home from his European trek, Ward put aside his poetry and went to work as a banker. He also courted Miss Barker for the next three years, traveling often to her family home in New Orleans, before marrying her in 1840, "By 1843, he made up his mind that trade was not compatible with his disposition, that country life would be more suitable to him, a scholarly and intellectual man," May Callas writes in "Profiles of Tanglewood Families" of Ward's decision to move his young family to the Berkshires. If there was a place to become a gentleman farmer at the time, it was in the Berkshires, where a 'hive' of intellectuals was buzzing about the Sedgewick clan. In "Hawthorne's Lenox: The Tanglewood Circle," author Cornelia Brooke Gilder writes of the young family's Berkshire beginnings "It all began in 1844 on a dreary day in the third week of March, when a handsome, well-heeled 27-year-old Samuel Gray Ward (1817-1907) strode across Daniel Barnes' brown, tufted meadow with a glorious view of Lake Mahkeenac and pronounced it 'very good.' Wards's guide at the time was the esteemed Berkshire Clerk of Courts Charles Sedgewick, who arranged for the family's lodging while their three-story home was built. That October, the couple's third child, Thomas, was born in Lenox. The home, Highwood Manor, completed in 1845, is credited to architect Richard Upjohn, known best for New York City's Trinity Church, who was building a church for the Episcopal congregation in Stockbridge at the time. Upjohn would later design the Tappen house, which still sits within walking distance of Highwood. Whether or not Upjohn, whose signature was Gothic Revival manses and churches, designed the house is somewhat controversial, as the house's original design is more of an Italianate country house. Of this Callas wrote, but there is correspondence between Ward and his father, which mentions construction of Highwood done by the firm of Upjohn. Since Richard Michael Upjohn joined his father's firm the same year that Highwood was completed, it may be the younger Upjohn, assisting his father, added his own design incentives. There are design details in the Tappan house that are similar to those at Highwood, i.e., window soffits and apron benches." What is for certain about Highwood Manor are two things: It is considered to be the first of the Gilded Age cottages and it, not the Tappan house, was the inspiration for the porch in Nathaniel Hawthorne's "Tanglewood Tales." We also know that despite Ward's affection for his adoptive "Lenox valley," the house and its 220 acres sat on the Stockbridge side of the town line. Cornell University Making of America Page 1 of 1 AMERICAN COUNTRY DWELLINGS. 5 try homes of to-day are infinitely better than future paths, and most especially those which the best and the average of twenty or even of dealt with the new necessities of iron. He ten years ago. But it is just as little open to question that the "professional architect " was so enthusiastic and versatile that every branch of the art appealed to him - even the now plays much more important part in their construction or, again, that this architect is then despised branch which includes country becoming year by year more professional him- homes. All this did good, I repeat, not only as self that is, more widely differentiated from influencing other workers, but as raising the the mere artisan in quantity of knowledge, in generally received opinion with regard to the utility of an architect in architecture. But thoroughness and quality of training, in refine- in this last respect we are most of all indebted, ment of intelligence, in width of artistic hori- perhaps, to the force of character and witch- zon, in processes and theories and ideals. ingness of tongue that enabled Mr. Hunt to LIBRARY IN HOUSE OF SAMUEL GRAY WARD, ESQ., LKNOX, MASS. One name, I think, deserves to be men- lay hold of the stolid, indifferent, obstinate, tioned here with especial honor. It would be or timid client, and lead him whither he would difficult to overestimate the good influence have him go. I do not feel that in saying this Mr. Richard Hunt has had both upon the I overstep the line which divides legitimate im- profession itself and upon its status with the personal from illegitimate personal commen- public. When he began to practice such an education and equipment as his were almost tary; for, let it be in the other arts as it may, in the architect's art personal force and per- anomalous with us, while to-day (of course suasiveness are essentially part and parcel of not by any means solely, but yet, I think, the required endowment. As I have said so partly through his example) they are getting often, this art depends upon direct, special, to be thought essential and getting to be not reiterated acts of patronage to a degree quite quite exceptional. He was SO industrious a peculiar to itself; and as every new commis- worker, moreover, that the sum of his results formed a very large lump of leaven - a re- sion differs from every other, an artist's past record is not always taken - indeed, cannot markably large lump, seeing that they were always be taken - as a guarantee of future not all, like the results of too many others, success. Therefore he who has not a modicum patterned upon one shallow, monotonous of personal persuasive power runs a great risk scheme. He was SO full of ideas that he ex- of being obliged to follow those whom he ought perimented very widely and diversely. Not to lead. I do not say how it might be in an all of his experiments, we may grant, were ideally artistic community there, perhaps, successful. But as they were based on knowl- all excellence would be self-evident to all in edge, not ignorance, all were useful as sys- anticipation as in fact, and no discussion or tematizing future efforts and marking out persuasion necessary. But as communities http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/pageviewer?coll=moa&root=%2Fmoa%2Fcent... 11/14/2005 Cornell University Making of America Page 1 of 1 16 AMERICAN COUNTRY DWELLINGS. I DINING-ROOM IN MR. WARD'S HOUSE. stand to-day, that architect will be most ser- with it a sound much less of novelty and offense viceable to his clients, as well as to his art is largely due just to this one champion. and to himself, who (other things being equal, Of course Mr. Hunt was not the first to try I mean, of course) can persuade them most to improve upon the "vernacular" type of convincingly that he knows best. When Mr. country dwelling- to try to put architectural Hunt began to practice this seemed a very coherence and something which might truth- strange proposition to the ears of the free fully becalled design in the place of the fantastic and independent American citizen-espe- - and yet mechanical medley which prevailed. cially when he was intent upon the structure Doubtless he was not even the first to do this of his own home. The fact that it now carries with real ability and radically right ideas to How often do we still hear some "house-father" of gratitude I feel to Mr. Howells for having set be- of the elder generation proclaim with child-like pride fore my readers so delicately trenchant a dramatic is I had no architect ; the builder and I did it all " - picture of the difference between the old régime and or, more likely, "/ and the builder." And how inva- the new in matters architectural. Silas Lapham riably does the fact reveal itself in a very different and his new house and his architect will. I am very way from that which he supposes! Perhaps this is as sure, advocate my conclusions far more persuasively good a time as any to acknowledge the personal debt than all my own theoretic preachments. http://cdl.library.commell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/pageviewer?coll=moa&root=%2Fmoa%2Fcent. 11/14/2005 RICHARD UPJOHN ARCHITECT AND CHURCHMAN By EVERARD M. UPJOHN ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF FINE ARTS COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY l. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW YORK MCMXXXIX THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES HAS GENEROUSLY CONTRIBUTED FUNDS TO ASSIST FOREWORD IN THE PUBLICATION OF THIS VOLUME A MERICANS are almost incorrigibly romantic in their architec- tural thought; it is a century-old habit. In Colonial days they naturally looked to the far-off Mother Country for models, and in the nineteenth century, of course, Europe supplied the paradigms, while the American works were thought of as more or less satis- factory reflections of a distant ideal. American architects shone only with a reflected glow. But in recent decades critics have come to see that there are many American works which are great in their own right. A number of our practitioners are taking enviable places, and they well merit scholarly study as technicians of the first rank, creators of an architecture essentially American. Sullivan comes instantly to mind-inspired apostle, in the early nineties, of that functionalism which runs like a refrain through American architecture from its first beginnings. Richardson too has come into his own. The key to understanding him is a comprehension of his uncanny originality in reading the lessons of the historic styles and making new creations of his own, using diverse traditional elements in a functional manner of unusual power. For example, in his famous design for the Allegheny County buildings at Pitts- burgh he was able to join Norman Romanesque towers, German rounded turrets, and French pavilions roofed in Gothic fashion with sheer unadorned masonry and with functionally expressed brick and metal interior construction-all without loss of unity or COPYRIGHT 1939 BY consistency. He was able to create types in frame structure and COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK communicate to them the noble qualities of his masonry style. Thus FOREIGN AGENTS: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, Humphrey Milford, Amen Richardson is a notable point of focus or synthesis in the kaleido- House, London, E.C. 4, England, AND B. I. Building, Nicol Road, scopic nineteenth-century Battle of Styles. Bombay, India; KWANG HSUEH PUBLISHING HOUSE, 140 Peking Road, Richard Upjohn, subject of the book which is before us, had his Shanghai, China; MARUZEN COMPANY, LTD., 6 Nihonbashi, part in creating that kaleidoscope in America, as we all know; but Tori-Nichome, Tokyo, Japan he is a figure of larger significance and is more fully representative of his age than we commonly realize. In his earliest work the MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 210 APPENDIX: CLASS B APPENDIX: CLASS B 211 ELTINGVILLE, STATEN ISLAND, N. Y. Church of the Holy Comforter. Reference Dedicated, Oct. 8, 1865. Old engraving. (R. M. U.) The Evening News and Hoboken (anniversary edition] Hoboken, References 1893). Richard M. Bayles, History of Richmond County, New York (New JACKSONVILLE, ALA. Episcopal Church. 1854. Internal evidence. Extant. York, 1887). JAMESTOWN, N. Y. St. Luke's Church. First church cornerstone, Sept. 27, Ira K. Morris, Memorial History of Staten Island (2 V., West New 1854; completed, 1856. Letters, May 29, 1854-July 30, 1855. Second Brighton, 1900). church cornerstone, June 18, 1863; consecrated, May 20, 1865. Letters, FITCHBURG, MASS. Christ Church. Cornerstone, April 22, 1867; conse- Jan. 21, 1864-Oct. 28, 1864. Destroyed. crated, April 22, 1868. Parish records. Extant; chancel remodeled, References H. B. U. Vernelle A. Hatch, Illustrated History of Jamestown (Jamestown, Reference 1900). William A. Emerson, Fitchburg, Mass., Past and Present (Fitch- Jamestown Evening Journal, May 8, 1894. burg, 1887). KINDERHOOK, N. Y. St. Paul's Church. Consecrated, June 22, 1852. Plans, FORT MADISON, IOWA. Church. 1855. Letters, May 1, 1855-Sept. 21, July 15, 1851-Oct. 10, 1851. Letter, May 7, 1851. Extant. 1858. References FOUR MILE BRANCH, TENN. Church. 1852-53. Plans, Jan. 15, 1852. Let- Edward A. Collier, A History of Old Kinderhook (New York, 1914). ters, Dec. 10, 1851-March 21, 1853. Harriet H. K. Van Alstyne, A History of St. Paul's Episcopal Church, GARRISON, N. Y. Res. H. W. Belcher. 1853-54. Original drawings. Plans, Kinderhook, N. Y. (Chatham, 1936). Nov. 14, 1853-April 11, 1854. Letters, Oct. 26, 1853-March 21, 1855. KINGSTON, N. Y. First National Bank. 1862-63. Letters, Oct. 2, 1862- Now Res. Hamilton Fish. Dec. 22, 1863. Res. William Moore. 1854-55. Letters, June 17, 1854-July 12, 1855. Extant. Res. James C. Forsyth. 1849-50. Plans, Sept. 10, 1849-Nov. 11, GENEVA, N. Y. Hobart College Chapel. 1858-62. List of R. U. buildings. 1849. Letters, Sept. 11, 1849-Sept. 14, 1850. Letters, March 29, 1858-Feb. 24, 1864. Extant. LENOX, MASS. Res. W. A. Tappan, "Tanglewood." 1849-50. Plans, Res. W. B. Douglas. 1861-63. Letters, Oct. 27, 1860-July 25, June 12, 1849-Feb. 4, 1850. Letters, Jan. 23, 1849-May 17, 1850. Extant. 1863. Now Blackwell House, William Smith College. Reference Reference M. H. Turk, Hobart, the Story of a Hundred Years (Geneva, 1921). R. de Witt Mallary, Lenox and the Berkshire Highlands (New York, GREENWOOD (now ARDEN), N. Y. St. John's Church. Cornerstone, July 7, 1902). 1863; consecrated, June 7, 1864. (Charles Babcock.) Extant. Res. S. G. Ward, "Highwood." 1846. Letter, April 4, 1846. Reference Destroyed. A Review of the Work of Episcopalians Prior to 1882 at Greenwood, Reference now Arden, New York ([Arden?] 1914). R. de Witt Mallary, Lenox and the Berkshire Highlands (New Res. Gay. 1848. Plans, Oct. 16, 1848. York, 1902). HAMILTON, N. Y. St. Thomas's Church. Consecrated, June 8, 1847. LEXINGTON, N. C. Grace Church (project?). 1849-50. Plans, Dec. 6, Lengthened, tower and transepts added, 1853. Plans, Dec. 2, 1846- 1849. Letters, Sept. 24, 1849-Jan. 8, 1850. April 5, 1847. Letters, March 23, 1846-April 1, 1847. Extant. LITHGOW, N. Y. St. Peter's Church. 1849-50. Plans, Sept. 8, 1849- Reference March 1, 1850. Destroyed. Charles Worthen Spencer, Historical Address Read at the Centennial LOWELL, MASS. St. Anne's Church, Sunday School Chapel. 1868. Letters, of the Organization of St. Thomas' Church, Hamilton, New York, April 28, 1868-Sept. 1, 1868. (R. M. U.) September 21, 1935 [Hamilton, 1935?]. Reference Res. L. P. W. Balch. 1847. Plans, July 7, 1847. A. St. John Chambré, Historical Sermon Delivered in St. Anne's HOBOKEN, N. J. Trinity Church. Planned, 1848. Cornerstone, Dec. 18, Church, Lowell, Mass. (Boston, 1885). 1855; consecrated, Oct., 1858. Chancel extended, 1882. Parish records. LYONS, N. Y. Grace Church (enlarged). 1857. Letters, April 20, 1857- Plans, June 5, 1848-July 11, 1849. Extant. Sept. 4, 1857. Extant. APPENDIX: CLASS B 207 206 APPENDIX: CLASS A TAUNTON, Mass. (Continued) CLASS B St. Thomas's Church. Cornerstone, June 15, 1857; consecrated, (SECONDARY WORKS; CONDITION GIVEN WHEN KNOWN) March 3, 1859. List of R. U. buildings. Letters, Dec. 24, 1856-Dec. 30, AIKEN, S. C. St. Thaddeus's Church. 1847-48. Plans, Oct. 16, 1847. 1858. ALBANY, N. Y. Office, S. Van Rensselaer. 1850-52. Plans, Oct. 17, 1851. Reference Samuel Hopkins Emery, History of Taunton (Syracuse, 1893). Letters, March 11, 1850-Dec. 10, 1852. Trinitarian Congregational Church (called Broadway Church). Res. Stephen Van Rensselaer (alteration). 1840-44. Original Cornerstone, Aug. 19, 1851; dedicated, Sept. 29, 1852. Plans, May drawings. Letters, Aug. 17, 1840-April 11, 1844. Moved to Williams- 14, 1850-Aug. 19, 1852. Letters, Nov. 25, 1850-July 28, 1851. Some- town, Mass., now Sigma Phi Fraternity. AMENIA UNION, N. Y. St. Thomas's Church. 1849-51. Letters, Feb. 26, what altered after 1871. 1850-Feb. 14, 1851. Extant. Reference Samuel Hopkins Emery, History of Taunton (Syracuse, 1893). Reference City Hotel. 1848-51. Plans, Sept. 28, 1848-May 17, 1849. List Mrs. A. C. Knibloe, History of St. Thomas' Church (unpublished). of R. U. buildings. Letters, Nov. 26, 1849-July 24, 1854. Destroyed. ANNANDALE, N. Y. St. Stephen's Chapel. 1867-68. Letters, July 9, 1867- June 13, 1868. (R. M. U.) Extant. Reference The Book of Taunton (C. A. Hack and Sons, Taunton, 1907). ARDEN, N. Y., see GREENWOOD, N. Y. UTICA, N. Y. Grace Church. Cornerstone, July 10, 1856; opened, May AUGUSTA, ME. Res. Edward Bridge, "Grecian Villa." 1835. Account 20, 1860. Tower, 1870; spire, 1875 (remodeled, H. B. U.); chancel, Book No. 1. Destroyed. 1890 (R. M. U.). Vestry minutes. Plans, Oct. 8, 1851-Nov. 6, 1851. BALLSTON SPA, N. Y. Christ Church. Cornerstone, Oct. 5, 1860; com- Letters, Oct. 11, 1849-July 3, 1863. pleted, March, 1862. (Charles Babcock.) References Reference M. M. Bagg, ed., Memorial History of Utica (Syracuse, 1892). Edward F. Grose, Centennial History of the Village of Ballston Spa Grace Church, Utica, N. Y.: Seventy-fifth Anniversary, 1838-1913 (Ballston, 1907). (Utica [1913?]). BANGOR, ME. Res. F. A. Hill. 1836. Account Book No. 1. City Hall. 1852-53. Plans, May 15, 1852-Aug. 2, 1853. List of BATH, ME. Central Congregational Church. 1846-47. Extant. R. U. buildings. Letters, Jan. 13, 1852-April 3, 1854. Reference Henry Wilson Owen, History of Bath, Maine (Bath, 1936). Reference Utica Morning Herald, Sept. 28, 1853. BAY RIDGE, BROOKLYN, N. Y. Christ Church. 1853. List of R. U. build- WATERTOWN, N. Y. Trinity Church. Cornerstone, May 14, 1850; con- ings. Destroyed. secrated, Jan. 23, 1851. Plans, Aug. 1, 1849-July 27, 1852. Letters, BOONTON, N. J. St. John's Church. Cornerstone, July 8, 1863; dedicated, Oct. 14, 1849-May 3, 1855. Destroyed. Oct. 13, 1863. Original drawing. (R. M. U.) Extant. References Reference Harold L. Hooker, One Hundred Years, 1828-1928, Trinity Parish, Isaac S. Lyon, Historical Discourse on Boonton (Newark, 1873). Watertown, N. Y. (Watertown [1928?]). BOSTON, MASS. Pitts St. Chapel. Dedicated, Nov. 13, 1836. Account F. B. Hough, History of Jefferson County in the State of New York Book No. 1. Destroyed. (Watertown, 1854). Reference WEST SPRINGFIELD, MASS. Res. C. Ely. 1852-54. Plans, Oct. 30, 1852- Leaflet of dedication. March 16, 1854. Letter, Nov. 24, 1853. St. Stephen's Chapel. 1846. Plans, Jan. 28, 1850. List of R. U. buildings. Letters, Nov. 4, 1844-Nov. 10, 1846. Destroyed. Reference Springfield Republican, Feb. 25, 1934. Res. E. B. Bigelow. 1846-47. Plans, Nov. 4, 1846-Sept. 8, 1847. Letters, Nov. 1, 1846-Nov. 6, 1847. Res. E. W. Pike. 1848. Plans, March 4, 1848. BRAINTREE, Mass. Emmanuel Church. 1854. Letters, March 6, 1854- Nov. 26, 1854. (Authorship doubtful.) This book Is on THE LITTLE RED HOUSE. On Au morning in driving about trying to of how far afield she drove, but the doorstep. Hawthorne took up reside Shanty. (Author's collection.) HIGHWOOD, 1845. At Highwood, Sam Ward entertained Jenny Lind, Fanny Kemble, Margaret Fuller, George Inness, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Catharine Sedgwick, but on this day, he was waiting for the chimney man. "December 16, 1845, Richard, In a new house, at this 200; 21 and of in 3/27/2007 America's Historical Newspapers Page 3 of 3 page 2 f 4 ly with them, imparting, as none but a scien- tific, unselfish man can, his views and opinions gathered from extensive reading and reflection, and they in return as cheerfully taught him the manipulations and practical results of their work. This intercourse of Mr. Ward with his farming neighbors became more and more fre- quent and interesting, until at length, as a means of doing greater good, he formed an ag- ricultural club, the first it is believed in west- 1846 ern Massachusetts. Of this association Mr. Ward was literally the head and heart. His genial nature, cordiar manners, passion for ru- ral pursuits, critical investigation and thorough conviction of the importance of this primal in- dustry, gave him great influence, and enabled him to dispel the prejudice against book farm- ing. In his lucid and impressive manner, he de- monstrated that there were important general- izations at the base of agriculture, which could be safely trusted, and upon which the earth's successful culture depended. Familiar with many of these principles he illustrated them, and thus gave them an intense practical inter- est, the tendency of which was to provoke dis- cussion, and thus greatly augment not only the numerical but logical power of the club. At length in the full tide of agricultural suc- cess the duties of Mr. Ward called him to Bos- ton, and his connection with the farmers of Stocktridge, Lee and Lenox was broken, to their regret. The Club, however, did not break, but bright and active with a centrifugal force which has made its results of improved agri- culture visible through the neighborhood, and doubled the farming products of its members within ten years, they have reared this annual festival as a monument to the memory of their founder, more enduring than brass or granite; http://0-infoweb.newsbank.com.library.colgate.edu/iw-search/we/HistArchive/?p_product..3/27/2007 America's Historical Newspapers Page 2 of 2 Page 3 of4 Headline: AgriculturaL Saturday, March 27, 1869. the Festival; Article Type: News/Opinion Paper: Pittsfield Sun, published as The Pittsfield Sun; Date: 04-01-1869; Volume: LXIX; Issue: 3576; Page: [4]; Location: Pittsfield, Massachusetts This entire product and/or portions thereof are copyrighted by NewsBank and/or the American Antiquarian Society. 2004. Agricultural. SATURDAY. MARCH 27. 1869. The Festival Of the Farmers of the No. Stockbridge and Lenox Farmers' Club. held on Friday evening of last week, at Curtis' Hotel in Lenox, is said to have been a very pleas- ant affair. About 140 guests were pres- ent, and the Supper was served in the ex- cellent style for which M. Curtis is dis- tinguished as a caterer. RICHARD GOODMAN. Esq., President of the Club, presided. and made some happy remarks himself, and called out several gentlemen who made interesting respon- ses-among the number Hon. Henry W. Bishop of Lenox ; T. S. Gold, Esq. of West Cornwall, Ct. : Messrs. Smith and Thatcher of Lee, and Luther S Butler of http://0-infoweb.newsbank.com.library.colgate.edu/iw-search/we/HistArchive/?p_product... 3/27/2007 America's Historical Newspapers Page 3 of3 page 4.84 LOVE 01 Lenoa onereu 1111 following sentiment : Hon. Henry W. Bishop, the late Charles Sedgwiek, and Samuel G. Ward-three bright stars : the founders of the North Stockbridge and Lenox Farmer's Club. In responding to this toast, Judge Bisli- up said the Club was organized 23 years ago last February. Mr. Gold spoke of the success of the Milk enterprize. and said that the Milk from the Housatonic Valley reached New York last summer in better condition than that near Bridgeport. because better care was taken with it. P