Ward, y George Cabot Ward later Lt. Colonel Cabot Ward 402 Oakwood home-Lenox, Mass. 1884 Top boy on banister-George Cabot Ward Girl on top of umbrella-Elizabeth Ward Perkins Girl on stairs-Louise Thoron Endicott (cousin) Older boy-Ward Thoron (cousin) Young boy-Howard Ridgely Ward Man-Samuel Gray Ward (Bonpapa) 403 Sitting- George Cabot Ward, and brother A letter written by Mumsie to Howard Howard Ridgely Ward (Many letters written at the time were written with crossing over lines saved paper.) Source: : Valerie A. Edwards. The Chess Queen. 2015, Ept lof4 THE CHESS QUEEN BY VALERIE A. EDWARDS [2015] Foreword DEDICATION In 1986, Elizabeth Ward Hoskins died leaving the contents of her home on Cape Cod to my husband, To the memory of my husband, Donald Ward B Donald Ward Bennett Edwards. He grew up in Edwards, and my great appreciation to him an California unaware of his Ward family history in Boston. He had the opportunity while still a young boy daughter, Leslie Edwards for the endeavors to mal to meet his great aunt, Elizabeth Bruen Perkins writing live. (Bessie), who speaks for the family in this biographical book which begins with her grandfather, Samuel Gray Ward, a prominent member of Boston's society and patron to many writers and artists. In Ralph Waldo Emerson's book, Letter to a Friend, the friend referred to is Samuel Gray Ward with whom he had a lifelong friendship. Elizabeth Hoskins, like many New England families of that era, never threw away items such as letters, news articles, scrapbooks and post cards. While working to dispose many of the items in the house unaware of the many famous people acquainted with the family, I discovered a manuscript dated 1928 written by Howard Ridgely Ward, the brother of Elizabeth Perkins. In it he described his life with the Thomas Wren Wards of New York and his Bostonian grandparents. It became obvious that there was a fascinating story to be written and SO I began. It took two years to transcribe all the material at which time I began to relate closely with the course of the life of Elizabeth Perkins. Events, except for very few, in The Chess Queen actually took place, only the dialogue with its emotional content is my own. I know Bessie spoke through me to tell her story. i DEDICATION To the memory of my husband, Donal Edwards, and my great appreciation 1 daughter, Leslie Edwards for the endeav writing live. opyright © Valerie A. Edwards All Rights Reserved ISBN-13: 978-1514253281 ISBN-10: 1514253283 4.84 NEW YORK TIMES, January 20, 1946 Prologue HOWARD RIDGELY WARD of Auburn, California, was reported missing and presumed dead on November 11th when he did not return from a trek in the Sierras in the area of Eureka in northern California. NEW YORK TIMES, May 13, 1936 Mr. Ward was born November 10, 1881 in New York City to Thomas Wren and Sophia Howard Ward. For three generations his father's family from New England Paris, (AP) - Colonel George Cabot Ward, age had represented the great English banking house of 60, prominent lawyer and clubman, died today of Baring Brothers. pneumonia at his villa in Cannes. Colonel Ward was a After graduating Harvard, he went to California prominent member of the American colony in France, to begin the practice of mining engineer. As he himself where he had lived since the World War. He was wrote to us, "I have been in and out of that profession Acting Governor of Puerto Rico in 1909 and was several times. Beginning in California in the old gold decorated by three governments. His war services, camps my wanderlust moved me progressively to including a detail as chief of the intelligence section of Arizona, Alaska, Europe and New Caledonia." This the line of communications of the A.E.F., brought him great diversity of interests made him an agreeable many decorations. companion who could adapt himself to many conditions He became attached to the General Staff in and climates. In that sense he may be considered as a France and did liaison work with the British and French typical American, a jack of many trades and a master of high commands in Paris and at their respective grand several. headquarters. He was decorated by both the French and For the past several years Mr. Ward had lived in British governments and in addition to the Auburn where he had an assay office. He left his wife, Distinguished Service Medal received the cross of an Mary E. MacInnis and three children from his previous officer of the Legion of Honor and the Distinguished marriage to Beatrice Kidder. Mrs. Kidder's mother was Service Order. at the time of their marriage, president of the Grass Colonel Ward was born in New York, son of Valley Narrow Gauge Railroad. They had two Thomas Wren and Sophia Howard Ward. He studied at daughters, Elizabeth Kidder Hoskins and Beatrice Harvard and was graduated from Harvard Law School Bennett; one son, Thomas Wren Ward; and a grandson, in 1901, when he began to practice in New York. Donald Ward Bennett. ii iii 3/1/2020 Mail - RONALD EPP - Xfinity Connect Re: My Twitter Valerie Edwards 2/27/2020 2:08 PM To RONALD EPP Good to hear from you. I will be in Boston on March 26th bringing more material to give to the Massachusetts Historical Society. Yes, they sent me the thank you for the previous material and are anxious to see and catalog more. Then my daughter, Tracie Edwards, who lives in Boston, will be leaving with me for Florence, Italy, on April 1st for two months. A famous sculpture artist who lived in Florence met Anna Barker Ward and created a bust of her which is now in the National Museum in Washington donated by the Endicott family. The archivist at U.C. Santa Barbara was the granddaughter of Bessie. She, of course, is no longer there. She was very helpful. I hope you have more time than I had to peruse the papers. I did run across one from Teddy Roosevelt. There again like the Harvard archives is a vast amount of material. So good luck and hope you find new and interesting material. Keep in touch. Sent from my iPad On Feb 25, 2020, at 10:52 AM, RONALD EPP < eppster2@comcast.net> wrote: Valerie, Just a brief note to let you know that I am still engaged on daily research into your lof7 Ray Rosengweig of E. Blackmar INTRODUCTION The Pauk + te People A History of Central Pack. In 1890 Eugene Schieffelin, a member of an old and wealthy New York Ithace CouldUR, 1992. family, released eighty starlings in Central Park, so New Yorkers could see the birds mentioned in Shakespeare's plays. Today, their 200 million descendants fill the skies across America. The influence of Central Park similarly spans the country. Thousands of municipal parks are direct descendants of this first landscaped public park in the United States. Its organization, policing arrange- ments, rules for use, and especially its design have been a powerful model (and sometimes countermodel). Central Park, one popular architectural guide con- cludes, is "the granddaddy of America's naturally landscaped parks." Central Park has been, in addition, a symbol of our national culture. In its first decade, the 1860s, the lithographs of Currier and Ives displayed to a See George Colort Word . national audience elegant New Yorkers riding in their carriages and strolling on the paths. In 1879 the democratic poet Walt Whitman noted the "rich, intermi- nable circus" of the carriage parade "of New York's wealth and 'gentility'' in 392.420 the park. 2 A century later it appears in films as a place of sophisticated urbanity. Woody Allen's cerebral New Yorkers ponder the meaning of life as they negoti- ate its walks in Hannah and Her Sisters. The "yuppies" of the 1980s in When Harry Met Sally sip drinks at the boathouse cafe. In Wall Street a young stock- broker confronts a ruthless inside trader on the Sheep Meadow. But Central Park is also a place where crowds of ordinary New Yorkers gather and play. In the 1890s William Dean Howells marveled at the "specta- ele" of the immigrants who jostled on the Mall as they took in "this domain of theirs." A half century later, the musical Up in Central Park celebrated the park as the common possession of all New Yorkers- "the big back yard of the city," a place "to laugh, to dream, to love, to roam." In the movie musical Hair, I 2 of7 INTRODUCTION 3 AND THE PEOPLE rs in long hair and Day-Glo clothing roam there. In E. B. White's 1945 danger in a pastoral setting have unfairly exaggerated the threat of crime in Central Park. Yet they do remind us that America's most important naturally I'N book Stuart Little, no one thinks it odd to cheer a mouse to victory in a boat race on the Conservatory Water.3 landscaped park is an urban space, best understood in relation to its city. That tral Park has been envisioned as a place of romance and of destiny as reminder is particularly important since most nonfiction about Central Park isolated (as Edith Wharton's Custom of the Country, Undine Spragg seeks out an distinguished from imaginative representations) has tended to view it as tion in the wisteria arbor. Robert Nathan's Eben Adams finds love with a from city life and conflicts, as a landscape of vistas, birds, bridges, buildings, and woman from the past on the Mall and the Lake in Portrait of. Jennie. In a rocks, and trees. Few have written of the people who made, maintained, altry key, Billie I Holiday sang about "lovers that bless the dark on benches above all, enjoyed the park that was their own. Historians have shared the tendency to study this public space apart from tral Park." J. D. Salinger's Holden Caulfield watches his sister Phoebe or the golden ring on the Carousel. In Isaac Bashevis Singer's "Neigh- the city's people. No full-scale history has been published; most historians concentrate instead on the career and the vision of Frederick Law Olmsted, an old man glimpses death in the winter in the park: "The desolate park e a cemetery. The buildings on Central Park South towered like head- who designed the park with Calvert Vaux in 1858. The two envisioned it as a 114 pastoral retreat from the pressures and aesthetic monotony of a growing city, and historians and landscape architects have seen it reflected in their eyes, as a ntral Park has also powerfully symbolized the redeeming power of nature. orge Loring Brown's 1862 canvas, people are barely visible amid the work of landscape art.7 To be sure, it is impossible to comprehend Central Park fully without greens and browns of the trees and grass. In the postimpressionist understanding its appeal as a designed natural landscape, and we have bene- of ce Prendergast's turn-of-the-century paintings of May Day, the people fited enormously from the work of those who have explored these dimensions on o turn into flowers. W. B. Van Ingen's landscapes have no people at all, nature, Marianne Moore saw the park through its seasons: "Spring: the park. Nevertheless, our goal in this book is to offer a different perspective N of bloom, white and pink cherry blossoms on trees given us by Japan. the park's history-one that puts people at the center and relates the park to land- the ier: fragrance of black locust and yellow-wood flowers. Autumn: a leaf city. We tell the story of the park's people-th merchants and uptown lived owners who launched the project; the immigrant and black residents who i. Winter: one catches sight of a skater, arms folded, leaning to the wind- ry symbol of peaceful solitude, unimpaired freedom. We talk of peace. on the land seized for the park; the politicians, gentlemen, and artists who and disputed its design and operation; the German gardeners, Irish laborers, N it."' if all the celebrations of the park's pastoral attractions, perhaps the most Yankee engineers who actually built it; and the generations of New Yorkers for elling image for artists and writers has been the juxtaposition of the city whom Central Park was their only backyard. ature, of New York and Central Park. Photographers have been fascinated We begin this history of Central Park as a social institution and space, an : contrast offered by steel and glass office towers and art deco apartments of the city rather than just a natural or designed landscape, by asking this a ing over trees and lakes. Reversing the perspective, Ruth Orkin captures aspect seemingly easy question: What is a "public park"? In its broadest terms, book is an exploration of the changing meanings New Yorkers have attached to ark from the heights of those same buildings. Other images counterpose harms of nature to the city's dangers. As early as the 188os the plot of The that deceptively simple phrase. Parks have evolved over the centuries in concept and in form. In medieval my of Central Park revolved around a murder in the park, though only two or murders occurred in the park's first thirty years. In the 1960s Johnny and early modern England, a park was "an enclosed tract of land held by royal and on joked about the danger: "It was SO quiet in Central Park last night. You grant or prescription for keeping beasts of the chase," usually deer. More have heard a knife drop." The poet Robert Lowell invoked the fears of more of these parks were created in the sixteenth century as English aristocrats I and gentry cleared and enclosed large tracts of land around country estates, nce: taking over entire villages and common fields. Eighteenth-century landlords continued what cultural critic Raymond Williams characterizes as the "imposi- We beg delinquents for our life. tion and theft" of the English enclosure movement, but instead of mere private Behind each bush, perhaps a knife; each landscaped crag, each flowering shrub, hunting preserves, these new parks were often artificially constructed scenic hides a policeman with a club. ¹ landscapes. With the assistance of landscape gardeners such as Humphrey the Repton and Lancelot ("Capability") Brown, landlords created "the view, Whether in the form of a one-liner or a poem, these stark hints of urban ordered proprietary repose, the prospect," Williams writes, "a rural landscape 3 of 7 dred analogies in neo-pastoral painting and poetry, from which the facts of luction had been banished." Gardens, modeled on pleasure gardens in London. More clusive to historical Paradoxically, then, these carefully crafted English landscapes were in- recovery and less structured in their composition were the innumerable open led to mimic or improve nature, to present idealized nature SO arranged as to spaces appropriated by youths and adults for sports and games-for example, uise human intervention. And since this work "was centered upon the great along the Manhattan waterfront or in vacant lots uptown. On the cusp of the vernacular and formal park traditions in the United States stood "rural" ceme- insc of land and woods that in the typical large country place was simply d the Park," historian Norman Newton writes, the word park came to be teries landscaped in the English romantic style. In the 1830S and 1840S Cam- hed to an artificially natural landscape. English travelers readily extended bridge's Mount Auburn, Philadelphia's Laurel Hill, and Brooklyn's Greenwood usage to the royal and aristocratic grounds of the Continent, where land- cemeteries helped to foster a taste for pastoral landscapes and a habit of "country" picnics and excursions within the city. e gardeners arranged nature in a more formal style.9 n the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, parks increasingly When New Yorkers created Central Park in the 1850s, they turned to formal me identified with cities. German towns turned old fortifications into landscaped European parks for their model rather than to vernacular tradi- ie gardens. The London public had been admitted, with regulations, to tions-but not without opposition. Even before the city acquired land for a park I grounds such as Hyde Park as early as the seventeenth century, and over New Yorkers began to debate how this new public institution should be defined. next two centuries other royal lands were opened to public use. By the early Frederick Law Olmsted, who was the park's first superintendent, said that teenth century municipal and national governments had begun to establish the public would have to be "trained" to use a park "properly so-called," by landscape public parks that represented the romantic ideal of rus in urbe- which he meant a pastoral landscape in the English tradition. But what was a try in the city. "proper" park? New Yorkers repeatedly proposed to alter Central Park's natural \longside this formal strand of park development, there has long existed a design-for example, by adding ornamental gates, formal gardens, or baseball acular concept of public open space, whose tradition is more difficult to diamonds with spectator stands. Parkgoers created their own paths ("desire iment. The cultural geographer J. B. Jackson contrasts "two types of park lines," as landscape architects call them) and turned meadows into playing ": the ''designed' parks" produced by landscape gardeners and "unstruc- fields. When automobiles arrived, administrators responded to the pressure of l' playgrounds," where, at least until the late nineteenth century, "the new uses and new users by rearranging paths and adjusting the drives. City mon people and particularly adolescents, could exercise and play and enjoy residents also enthusiastically greeted new park features, from statues and isclves, and at the same time participate in community life." Jackson finds restaurants to children's rides and tennis courts, that distracted attention from once of these unstructured "parks" in the churchyards of medieval Europe, the natural scenic effects. Through a vernacular process, the meaning of the C stretches of undeveloped land outside the city walls or along riverbanks park, proper or not, evolved. Still a "natural landscape," it also became a social institution and city space. it the French call terrains vagues), and in the "grove out in the country near iver." Just as there are two traditions in the definition of Central Park as a park, its l'he dual heritage of designed and vernacular public spaces shaped the meaning as a public institution also has two dimensions: its political character as lopment of urban parks in the United States. One strand of the vernacular property and its cultural character as an open space. Public, in one sense, tion stretches back to the New England commons-spaces held by the signifies property rights, government ownership and control of land removed munity for shared utilitarian purposes (for example, grazing cattle or gath- from the real estate market. Public property, owned by the government, thus I fuel) as well for public assemblies, particularly militia drills. New York's contrasts to private property, owned by individuals or corporations who can Common served a variety of purposes in the seventeenth and eighteenth exclude others from their land. But public property also differs from common uries-pasture for cattle, the setting for executions, the home of the property, that is, land or resources to which all members of a community have house and jail, and the site of public festivals and protests. But only in unrestricted access. The right to control public property is vested in govern- ment officials who determine who has access to it and under what conditions. In 1. five years after it was enclosed for the first time, was it labeled "The Park" er than "The Fields" or "The Common") on a city map. And the designa- a democracy, when land is owned by the "public," government officials are "City I lall Park" or "The Park" came into wide use only in the first decade thought to represent the interest of all citizens. In this sense, the people who 1C nineteenth century when it was landscaped in connection with the organize and control a public park constitute the sovereign or political public. truction of City Hall. 11 Yet the political process of selecting public officials is itself a matter of contest in which not all participants are equal.¹ mother vernacular strand derives from the early nineteenth-century com- In a democratic and capitalist society, municipal politics revolve around 4 of7 INTRODUCTION 7 RK AND THE PEOPLE its drives, for example, originally prevented the city's bakers and butchers from problems of distributing and managing public resources. The creation taking their families there for Sunday outings. Also, informal rules or codes of ral Park as public property initiated a remarkable redefinition and social conduct can determine whether particular groups want to use different on of city government's responsibilities to its citizens. The municipality public spaces and whether they will feel welcome. In the early twentieth century g overseen streets and docks for commerce; now it would provide black children who went to the park faced the taunts of white youths. Although public space for recreation and socializing. Creating Central Park Central Park has always been a nonexclusive "public" space, it has not always I on issues beyond its own borders-from city planning and real estate been equally accessible to all New Yorkers. ent to conditions of public employment and the city's fiscal integrity. Between the mid-nineteenth century and the present, New Yorkers con- ers, landowners, public workers, politicians, and city residents with tinually debated the political status of Central Park as public property and its g visions of the public sector made particular and often antagonistic cultural value and use as an open public space. The interaction of different on the park. views of these two dimensions of the term public shaped the park's creation, ause Central Park is public property, the management of its grounds has design, use, and subsequent modification. Conflicts over the meaning of public, intinually been negotiated through the city's tension-ridden political like those over the meaning of park, have thus been part and parcel of the history Who has the authority to control the park and define "proper" behavior of Central Park. Debates over what constitutes a public park, in turn, raise it? What sorts of restrictions on use should be set? According to what difficult questions about the meaning of political, economic, and cultural de- rds should the park be maintained? Should new facilities be added? What mocracy. Who participates in decisions about the management of public re- Who is permitted to participate in the public decision-making process? As sources? Who benefits from and has the means to make use of public spaces? orkers have debated these questions, they have confronted all the myriad Can such spaces accommodate people of different classes and cultures? When ms and possibilities of managing public property to meet the needs of all New Yorkers struggled to define Central Park as a public park, they also struggled over the meaning of democracy. ( public of a public park has a cultural and spatial as well as a political and In part because definitional questions were raised most sharply in the ty-based dimension. We think of public spaces as territories open to all nineteenth century, this book focuses particularly on the park's first half cen- N. As open, nonexclusive spaces, parks assume their character not tury, but we also trace these themes into the twentieth century. The first section th political powers of ownership or control but through patterns of use. examines how New Yorkers created Central Park as a new kind of public cople who claim access to this public space constitute the cultural public. institution. The decision to build the park, although clothed in democratic cultural dimension of a park as a public space overlaps with its political and rhetoric, was fundamentally rooted in the interests of New York's wealthiest rty-based definition in sometimes confusing ways. Some "public" space citizens-its gentlemen and ladies. Leading merchants and bankers and their privately owned, as, for example, a theater or saloon, and proprietors can families advocated creating a grand public park in order to promote their city's are access by price, if no longer by racial or gender categories. Public (and their own) cosmopolitan stature. They were joined by uptown landowners, defined as territories open to all people suggest the ideal type of the who wanted a park to enhance real estate values. But not all New Yorkers agreed C commons, but historically such common property has served closely knit, that the city needed such an expensive public symbol of its grandeur, and only geneous communities. By contrast, making Central Park a public space after a three-year debate over the necessity, location, and financing of a public required the remarkable experiment and challenge of creating a large park was the site selected. Yet, despite the opposition, the park's gentlemen ory open to all people in a capitalist and socially divided city. advocates claimed to represent the entire "public." roperty-based definitions of public and private tend to be absolute (rooted Municipal use of the power of eminent domain to take possession of more gal rights of ownership and control), but the idea of public space as than eight hundred acres of land for Central Park represented an unprece- xclusive territory is a relative concept. In the modern American city, few, if dented intervention in the real estate market- precursor to city planning and spaces can be said to be entirely open or entirely restricted. Degrees of urban renewal. Chapter 3 examines how land acquisition affected landowners isivity and access are shaped by economics, politics, and culture. A variety and the people who lived there, reconstructing the world of those forgotten ructural constraints determine whether people possess the means to make "park dwellers." In choosing a site and taking the land for a democratic public if the public space. In the 1860s, for example, long work hours, low wages, park, the gentlemen swept aside the concerns of poor New Yorkers. cost of public transportation, and distance from downtown neighborhoods The second section explores the political, aesthetic, and economic conflicts icted working-class New Yorkers' use of Central Park. Further, formal, that intersected in the designing and building of Central Park. The power to crintive rules can control access. Rules that forbade commercial wagons on 5 of 7 392 THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY PARK IN THE T'WENTIETH-CENTURY CITY THE FRAGME protests against the executions of Sacco and Vanzetti. The single exception to ogy, progressives saw play as essential to human development. "Th the ban on political meetings came in 1914, when the progressive administra- out a playground," the playground movement warned, "is the father tion of Mayor John Purroy Mitchel agreed to permit a women's suffrage meet- without a job." But to encourage the skills and values necessary to ing on the Mall. But two years later, when the National Woman Suffrage modern society, play needed structure, supervision, and especially CC Association planned a tableau and concert, park commissioner George Cabot In New York, as elsewhere in the country, playgrounds had ap) Ward refused them permission to use the same space because they would be under private auspices, but in the early twentieth century the board () presenting "political propaganda. and then the parks department began to take charge. In 1910 the Commercial events were also barred from the park. The city rejected house worker Charles B. Stover became Manhattan's park commi pageant impresario Percy Mackaye's community masque to celebrate the implemented the program of the playground movement by establis Shakespeare tercentenary because he would have charged admission. But even new public playgrounds-ranging from sand gardens for toddlers progressives, who criticized the vulgar excesses of "cheap amusements," made seesaws, and slides for children and fully equipped athletic fields for use of the techniques of commercial culture in organizing their pageants and Stover set up a separate bureau of recreation within the parks der festivals. In a controlled way they sought to infuse the color, excitement, and initiate programs for organized and supervised play. Playground C novelty of the city's commercial institutions into their pageants and festivals. park baseball leagues, girls' folk dance festivals, and citywide pagear "Around the World in Search of Fairyland" in 1912 was based on a play ated. By the mid-1920s, New York had ninety-three park playgrou performed at the Hippodrome, and leading theatrical promoters (the Shuberts) half of them in Manhattan. Those in Manhattan were less than an I and mass merchandisers (including Macy's and Gimbels) provided props, on average, but expensive to run, absorbing 9 percent of the departi costumes, transportation, and funds. New York Edison illuminated the Sheep budget in one year. 47 Meadow with ten thousand red, white, and blue lights, creating a colorful The development of recreation programs also altered the compos fantasy environment that departed sharply from the Protestant restraint of the park labor force: more than half the play supervisors hired in 1010 WI park's founding generation. 44 by 1916 women, employed as clerks and cleaners as well as playgro dants, were almost one-tenth of the department's work force. Each visor organized the sex-segregated activities of a hundred to thre Playgrounds and Country Clubs children-for girls, roller skating, pantomime, and rope jumping baseball and basketball; and for each group, the "passive work," as 11 Alongside the competing attractions of movies, sports, and commercial tendents called it, of basketry and carpentry. spectacles in the early twentieth century, the dramatic expansion of the citywide Although most progressive reformers regarded playing fields, fi park system decentered Central Park. After consolidation, Central Park con- and gymnastic equipment as essential park features, before the stituted only about one-eighth of city parkland. In addition to thirty-eight playground movement had only a limited physical impact on Centi hundred acres set aside for parks in the annexed district of the Bronx in the the 1890s reformers had successfully introduced a small sand gai 188os, the consolidation of Greater New York incorporated another fifteen shadow of Umpire Rock on the southwest Playground. By hundred acres, including Forest Park, Queens, and Prospect Park, Brooklyn visors ran five summer programs for children in the park, but with (also designed by Vaux and Olmsted).45 45 Although Central Park retained its ment. In the spirit of the playground movement, park officials did no symbolic centrality for editors and lobbyists, it no longer set the standard for the number of competitive sports-including soccer, field hockey, and design and use of public recreation space. The nineteenth-century conception well as the traditional baseball and croquet-on the meadows. Com of parks as works of landscape art now took second place in the minds of many made only tentative gestures, however, toward building new facilities New Yorkers to their value as places for play. As the park system expanded, the sioner Stover, for example, paved-first with gravel and then with parks and playground movement, led by progressive reformers, pushed for new temporary lawn tennis courts that had been set up on the South Mea organized facilities and supervised play programs for children within the city's of the 97th Street Transverse Road) in the 188os. By 1914 ten thous public spaces. Here too Central Park stood on the margins of the new develop- were taking out permits to play tennis there or on two other spots ments. Still, as late as the 1920s, only about 9 percent of the park's terrain W As was true of SO many progressive efforts, recreational reformers initially to playfields or special programed events. 1' focused their attention on children. Drawing on new theories of child psychol- The introduction of paved tennis courts and, in the outer-boro 6 of7 420 THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY PARK IN THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY CITY verse from his growing collection of Central Park books and documents and taking a dig at Hastings's role as architect of the New York Public Library, he charged that "to build in Central Park a formalized, architectural sunken garden would be as great an atrocity against the rural motif of the landscaping as it would be to put a gothic steeple or Moorish arch on the public library building." The Times, although it had already turned itself into the house organ of park preservationists, did not join Van Ingen's assault on the Catskill monu- ment. The reason, probably, was the auspices of the Hastings plan: the progres- sive Mitchel administration and the Catskill celebration committee. The Times strongly supported Mitchel's election, and besides, McAneny, the chairman of the Catskill committee, had recently left his post as president of the board of aldermen to become a business executive for the Times. 18 Hastings's proposal for a formal plaza on the reservoir site was also opposed by more populist advocates of a recreation-oriented park. Brooklyn alderman Alexander S. Drescher, who had been elected on a platform that urged in- creased municipal provisions for recreation, called on the city to "dedicate that vast area to play, not to scenery." "The people demand parks dedicated to use and equipped for use." Uptown alderman Thomas Farley (whose May Day picnics brought thousands of his constituents to the park) agreed: "It is about time that the grand facilities of Central Park be used for direct benefits and practical conveniences of the masses." No doubt the support for the monument by Mitchel and the progressives fueled the opposition of Farley and other Tammany politicos. Still, their rhetoric revealed a perception that class inequal- ity flourished in the operation of Central Park. A Bronx alderman, for example, charged that Hastings's plan would benefit "the nabobs and dandies who would like to disport themselves in a summer garden to the exclusion of the masses of people." Prodding the city to build a swimming pool and a beach on the reservoir site, Patrick J. Conway, president of the Irish-American Athletic Club, denounced the "high mucky-mucks wanting to build a flower garden in Central Park." The Evening Mail, the only newspaper to oppose the monument, col- lected and publicized such charges as part of its crusade to substitute a swim- ming pool and playground for what it regarded as a "mere plaything of the rich."19 America's entry into the war diverted the city's attention from Central Park. In 1917 park commissioner George Cabot Ward, a City Beautiful sympathizer and supporter of the Catskill monument, joined the American forces in France as an aviator. 20 Between November and February, Manhattan had five different park commissioners. Then, Democrat John F. Hylan defeated reform mayor Mitchel in the fall 1918 elections. With Mitchel's progressive fusion coalition out of office, the coalition behind the sunken garden in Central Park also collapsed. Mitchel's death in an air force training accident eight months later opened a different possibility for a grand monument on the reservoir site. Hastings 7 of 7 400 THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY PARK IN THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY CITY THE FRAGMENTE "Dementia Automobilia" was about as far as carriage people had time to go of an afternoon. Now motor-car is the prevailing vehicle, the Park seems smaller." New York As Central Park confronted the modern age, the most "frankly urban" no longer assembled daily on the park drives to pay their respects intrusion-the automobile-penetrated its interior, transforming both the illu- another. Not only were more and more wealthy families adopting the ( sion of a pastoral retreat and the experience of parkgoing forever. When the first new status symbol, the telephone made it easier for the "circles within motorists applied for permission to drive horseless carriages in the park, com- to arrange their visiting without relying on the spontaneous encounters missioners said no, pointing to the existing problems of carriage and bicycle promenade. Wealthy women were as likely to do their visiting at depa traffic and accidents. In 1899 the Automobile Club of America challenged the store tearooms or to drive their cars to exclusive country clubs as to turn ban on cars by dispatching drivers into the park to get arrested. After a judge the park. 65 ruled that automobiles were "pleasure carriages" and thus allowed by park In the 1920s, with the middle class now adopting the automobile, 1 rules, officials relented and issued the first permit for driving an "electric street traffic overflowed into the park; four out of five cars on its drive automobile runabout" in Central Park. A week later, motorists persuaded simply "passing through" by the shortest possible route. Cars threaten Commissioner Clausen, an avid horse lover, to try the "experiment" of taking a safety of parkgoers and even of the park itself: in 1922 cars crashed in spin through the park. When the car broke down, Clausen walked home. hundred park lampposts. In 1929 urban planners counted eight thousan In the first decade of the twentieth-century, the new motorcars, often driven on the drive north of the Sheep Meadow in a six-hour period and warned by chauffeurs, skirmished with carriages, often driven by coachmen, for control danger to pedestrians who tried to cross the forty- to sixty-foot-wide park of the park drives. Equestrians, pedestrians, and carriage riders alike com- "with no 'isles of safety' for the pedestrians at the crossings. plained that the foul-smelling, noisy cars frightened horses, disrupted the By the mid-1920s planners and letter writers to the newspapers decorum of the carriage parade, and ruined their own retreat to nature. The continually calling for a ban on automobiles in the park. Short of such chains that automobilists placed on their wheels to improve traction, moreover, intervention, some thought that the solution to the "car menace" lay in tore up the drives' gravel paving. When park officials oiled the drives to keep down motorists by making the park's drives more winding. Others pro down dust, the carriage riders warned that their horses had difficulty maintain- instead to straighten and widen the old carriage roads to speed up the I ing a firm footing on the oil-slick surfaces. Park police tried valiantly, but in vain, Planners urged widening the transverse roads, and also Fifth and I to enforce the eight-mile-an-hour speed limit and to stop cars that had chains avenues, to absorb park traffic and called for reducing the park's speed and the worst-smelling vehicles at the gates. In 1906 three people died in what now twenty miles an hour (and mostly ignored). "Central Park was laid 01 may have been the park's first fatal auto crash. 63 restful recreation area," state senator Nathan Straus, Jr., said in 1924 Carriage riders urged motorists to go to the "country" for their drives and urging that cars be banned, "not as a thoroughfare for mechanical transj leave the rural park to those who could less readily escape the city, but the tide tion." But by 1932 the automobile was firmly entrenched in city life, and was running in favor of the automobile. In 1909 the president of the Carriage administrators installed in the park those most prosaic and mechanical Builders' National Association told the annual meeting that the onrush of features, traffic lights.6 "dementia automobilia" meant that it was time "to sing the swan song of the high-grade carriage builder." By 1911 motorcar showrooms had displaced the carriage trade from the strip of Broadway running up to the park from 42nd Commuters, Tourists, Park Neighbors, and Enthusiasts Street, and it became known as "Automobile Row"; car salesmen used the park's hills to demonstrate performance. In 1912 the parks department began The automobile, together with the subways (first opened in 1004), al asphalting the carriage drives to make them more suitable for high-speed Central Park's relationship to the larger city by both bringing people in automobiles. A few years later, the speed limit for cars in the park was doubled carrying them away. Although Greater New York was growing and 1 to fifteen miles per hour. "In the roads of the Park, as on all other roads," a commentators tended to associate the city with crowding and conger Harper's writer noted in 1914, cars "are now accepted as something that has Manhattan's population dropped after 1910. Between 1905 and 1930 eve naturally happened and belongs in every scene." density of population on the Lower East Side fell by half. The literally mil World War I marked the final demise of the carriage parade. Wealthy of people living in the outer boroughs were much less likely to see the pa automobile owners did not find the park as appealing as had carriage drivers: "central" to their lives than had nineteenth-century Manhattanites. Still, "In older days, when horses still hauled or carried us, |the carriage drivel tral Park remained a citywide park. More than two million people from the 3/25/2020 Photos of Justine Bayard Cutting Ward - Find A Grave Memorial Cutting Family at the family Estate Westbrook, Lake Grove, Long Island, NY. Justine Bayard is sitting next to her father wearing white dress. Added by: Robert Garcia on 15 Feb 2015 8/23/2019 Justine Ward - Wikipedia via marriage cousm oncerevoved of.GBD WIKIPEDIA Justine Ward wife of George Cabot Ward (1876- 1936) sister-in-law of Bessie Howard would Perkins. Justine Bayard (née Cutting) Ward Justine Ward (Morristown, New Jersey, August 7, 1879 - Born Washington, D.C., November 27, 1975) was a Justine Bayard Cutting musical educator who developed a system for August 7, 1879 teaching music to children known as the Ward Morristown, New Method. [1] Jersey, U.S. Died November 27, 1975 (aged 96) Contents Washington, D.C., U.S. Spouse(s) George Cabot Ward Early life (m. 1902, divorced) Career Parent(s) William Bayard Cutting Personal life Olivia Peyton Murray Legacy Relatives William Bayard Cutting References Jr. (brother) External links Early life Justine Bayard Cutting was born on August 7, 1879 in Morristown, New Jersey to William Bayard Cutting (1850-1912), a founder of the Metropolitan Opera, and Olivia Peyton (née Murray) Cutting (1855-1949). [2] Her siblings included William Bayard Cutting Jr. (1878- 1910), who married Lady Sybil Marjorie Cuffe and was the mother of Iris Origo, Bronson Murray Cutting (1888-1935), a U.S. Senator from New Mexico, [3] and Olivia M. Cutting (1892-1963), who married Henry James (1879-1947), [4] Her paternal grandparents were Fulton Cutting (1816-1875) and Elise Justine Bayard (1823-1852), the poet. [5][6] She was descended from the Bayard, Schuyler and Van Cortlandt families of Colonial New York, [7] and was a direct descendant of Stephen Van Rensselaer IV, the last patroon of the Manor of Rensselaerswyck, and William Bayard Jr. (1761-1826), a prominent New York City banker. [8] 8/23/2019 Justine Ward - Wikipedia Career She was the first woman to develop an American elementary music education method, which predates the Kodály, Orff, and Dalcroze methods, and contains all the same basic elements, with an emphasis on music literacy and aesthetic interpretation. [9] The Ward method of music education was created in the early part of the twentieth century to promote the use of liturgical chant by teaching children vocal music reading skills. Its author, Justine Bayard Ward, was a newcomer to the Catholic Church and to the field of education, yet her approach proved successful and spread throughout the United States, Europe and other parts of the world. The ancient tradition of choral training in the Church, Ward's upbringing, her musical training and aesthetic inclinations, and her zeal in furthering the liturgical and musical reforms of Pius X fostered the ideal environment for the creation of the Ward method. Evidence shows that the materials and procedures were largely appropriations of pre- existing ideas. For example, the work in sight-singing was taken from the Galin-Paris- Chevé school, which flourished in nineteenth-century France, and the educational philosophy originated from her publisher, Rev. Thomas Shields. Ward's mentor, Rev. John Young, S.J., had combined bel canto vocal technique with Chevé exercises and, under Shields's guidance, Ward reshaped it. Separation of musical elements, principally rhythm and pitch, and graduated exercises were key ingredients Ward inherited from Chevé. Students learned accurate pitch discrimination through daily sight-singing drills where numbers corresponded to the sung solfège syllables in moveable "do." Justine Ward's contributions lie in skillfully incorporating the Chevé sight-singing drills, Young's vocal training, and Shields' theories of aesthetics and childhood development to attain her goal of teaching children music of quality. The repertoire consisted of classical melodies, European folk tunes, and Gregorian chant. Another original contribution was the inclusion of the Solesmes method of rhythm, and the teaching of its rhythms through body movement; Ward had traveled to France specifically to learn from the Benedictines of Solesmes. [10] The Ward method spread through several avenues. Catholic Education Press began systematic publication of textbooks in the 1910s. Leaders in Catholic education were won over by demonstrations led by Justine Ward. More importantly, the Ward method spread through teacher training courses. It evolved in subsequent publications largely due to her recasting the material to reflect trends in music education. The newer rhythmic theories in Gregorian chant, which depart from the Solesmes method that Ward championed, are one 8/23/2019 Justine Ward - Wikipedia of the leading reasons many still oppose using the Ward Method. This ignores the musical literacy contribution Ward made to elementary music education methods in the United States, and places all emphasis on chant. "The Ward method teaches students how to sing and read music with ease and skill. Its predecessors were Rousseau and Chevé, who developed a method of reading music in numbers for solfege, rather than beginning with the traditional staff. Ward evolved a method that incorporated staff notation SO that there is no gap in learning. This method is designed with progressive education ideals in mind, such as learning through the discovery of facts in sequential steps." [9] While the Solesmes method is quite simplistic, due to being the pioneer of modern chant revitalization, [9] it is easy to learn and teach to children and adults, making it an ideal spring board for later learning. The Ward Method remains an outstanding method of teaching music literacy, with or without chant. Personal life In 1901, she married George Cabot Ward (1876-1936). They divorced and the marriage was later annulled. [1] Ward died at her home, in Washington, D.C. on November 27, 1975 [1] Legacy In 1944, the Order of Malta awarded her the Croce di Benemerenza, and from Pope Pius XII, she received the Cross Pro Ecclesia et Pontifica. She held honorary doctorates from the Pontifical Institute of Sacred Music in Rome and Catholic University. [1] Located just behind the Basilica of the National Shrine of the Immaculate Conception, the School of Music building of the Catholic University of America was partially [9] donated by and named for her. [1] References 1. Times, Special To The New York (29 November 1975). "Justine Ward, Who Developed Music-Teaching Method, Dies" (https://www.nytimes.com/1975/11/29/arch ves/justine-ward-who-developed-musicteaching-method-dies.html?_r=0).) The New York Times. Retrieved 19 June 2017. 2. "W.B. CUTTING DIES ON TRAIN" (http://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1 912/03/02/100520219.html?pageNumber=1). The New York Times. 2 Mar 1912. p. 1. Retrieved February 18, 2013. 8/23/2019 Justine Ward - Wikipedia 3. "CUTTING, Bronson Murray - Biographical Information" (http://bioguide.congress.gov/ scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=C001028). bioguide.congress.gov. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. Retrieved 19 June 2017. 4. "Henry James, Head of Annuity Board: Winner of '30 Pulitzer Prize for Biography Dies - Novelist's Nephew, Philosopher's Son". The New York Times. December 15, 1947. p. 25. 5. "FULTON CUTTING'S ESTATE" (https://www.nytimes.com/1880/03/06/archives/fulton -cuttings-estate.html). The New York Times. 6 March 1880. Retrieved 30 April 2017. 6. Day's Collacon: an Encyclopaedia of Prose Quotations: Consisting of Beautiful Thoughts, Choice Extracts and Sayings, of the Most Eminent Writers of All Nations, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, Together with a Comprehensive Biographical Index of Authors, and an Alphabetical List of Subjects Quoted (https://bo oks.google.com/books?id=Qo_Mhkcu8iAC&pg=PA1074&Ipg=PA1074).International Printing and Publishing Office. 1884. Retrieved 30 April 2017. 7. Columbia University Quarterly Volume 14, 1912, Page 286 8. Pelletreau, William Smith (1907). Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical and Family History of New York (https://books.google.com/books?id=5WxoOvnQgMQ C&dq=Justine+Bayard+Joseph+Blackwell&source=gbs_navlinks_s).New York: Lewis Publishing Company. Retrieved 9 November 2016. 9. Brown, Alise Ann. Justine Ward: Her Life, Her Method in Comparison to Orff and Kodaly, and Applications for the Public School Classroom. Published Doctor of Arts dissertation, University of Northern Colorado, 2007. 10. Justine Ward and Solesmes, Dom Pierre Combe (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press) 1987. External links The Ward Method: A History of Sound Pedagogy (http://www.musicasacra.com/ward. html), The Church Music Association of America. The Reform of Church Music (http://www.musicasacra.com/publications/sacredmusic/ pdf/ward.pdf), Justine Bayard Ward, reprinted from April, 1906, Atlantic Monthly. Justine Ward and the genesis of the Ward method of music education (http://scholarw brks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3027182/), Richard Ramon Bunbury, University of Massachusetts Amherst Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php? title=Justine_Ward&oldid=890636700" This page was last edited on 2 April 2019, at 15:58 (UTC). Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. 3/25/20. Preservation Anneral Report of the America freuch to Historic ^ Society, 1918. To the legislature of th State of N.Y. 4/12/1918. Pg. 164: Changes in the Pack Commission, N.Y.City Parks. On 11/13/1917, Mayor litthall received cable for Hon. Gabat Ward,Park Commission for the boughs of llankalton of techword ad Peea dest of the Aarl Concession, tendery he regreatation He had bea in Fearu on a leave of absence is L membe of a mile toy COLOMISSION to study air -craft defense methodo dd had been concess and a llajor in ta officers' Reserve Corp, t attached to the air at an brouch if the seurce. The Sirce view Major Wards returned for the Parks Dept. with aust regart he had made one of the best Pach the Concessories that the City has ever had [koving] the interests I people closely at heart, was solicitous for the proper Use of the parks, was a stout advocate of protecting the parks against emproper encroachements, was open-nunded a to cultivated taste in matters that required discummersting suggestions fea he fellow-citizens, + exercesed judgment One month later, newllayer t new Concessivers. Relate above qualities to those of his second couser, G.BDorr. Cobrt officer at in the Pan American society of the U.S. this time ^ 020 Century Archives - The Century Association Archives Foundation Questions, comments, corrections: email caba@centuryarchives.org C 2012-2020 Century Association Archives Foundation //www.centuryarchives.org/caba/bio.php?PersonID=1441 3/3 3/25/2020 Cabot Ward (1876-1936) - Find A Grave Memorial ? Find A GRaVE 6. Cabot Ward BIRTH 17 Mar 1876 New York, USA DEATH 13 May 1936 (aged 6 60) BURIAL Cimetiere du Vieux Chateau Menton, Departement des Alpes-Maritimes, Provence- Alpes-Côte d'Azur, France Photo added by Renato Zoppelli MEMORIAL ID 160903996 . WARD Created by: Renato Zoppelli Added: 11 Apr 2016 Find A Grave Memorial 160903996 Find A Grave, database and images (https://www.findagrave.com : accessed 25 March 2020), memorial page for Cabot Ward (17 Mar 1876-13 May 1936), Find A Grave Memorial no. 160903996, citing Cimetiere du Vieux Chateau, Menton, Departement des Alpes-Maritimes, Provence-Alpes- Added by Renato Zoppelli Côte d'Azur, France ; Maintained by Renato Zoppelli (contributor 48987776) . Copyright © 2020 Find A Grave ICI REPOSE CABOT HARD NE A NEW YORK LE 17 MARS 1876 ET RAPPELE A DIEW LE 13 MAI 1936 LIEUTENANT COLONEL DE L'ARMEE AMERICAINE COMMANDEUR DE LA LEGION D HONNEUR FRANCE D.S.M ETATS UNIS D.S.O. GRANDE BRETAGNE COMMANDEUR DE L'URDRE DE L'AIGLE BLANC SERBIE MEMBRE DU BARREAU DE I ETAT DE NEW YORK ET DE LA COUR SUPREME DES ETATS UNIS D AMERIQUE ANCIEN PRESIDENT DU CONSEIL EXECUTIF DE PORTO Rico GOUVERNEUR DE PORTO Rico COMMISSARE CHEF DES PARCS DE NEW YORK 1914-1917 AMERICAINE DU SERVICE EN FRANCE DE 1917 DE L'ARMEE SON U DESIR A GRAND AM DE LA FRANCE ET.L ETE DE REPOSER EN TERRE AYANT FRANCAISE SERVIE News papers is .com Freeview Enjoy Try 7 Days Free George Cabot Ward Death Col. Cabot Ward, Former Park Head, Dies of Pneumonia the Brooklyn Daily Eagle Acting Puerto Rican Gov- ernor Dies in Cannes- Held High War Posts 5/13/1936 pg. 15. Paris, May 13 (AP)-Col. Cabot Ward, 60, Acting Governor of Puer- to Rico in 1909 and A former Park Commissioner in New York City. died today of pneumonia at his villa in Cannes. - lived in Canves since 1917 Colonel Ward was one of the most prominent members of the Ameri- can colony in France, where he had lived since the World War. His Harvard 1898 war services, including a detail as chief of the intelligence section of the line of communications of the n LLD 190). A. E. F., brought him many deco- rations. Among them were the United States Distinguished Service Medal and the British Distinguished Service Order. - Trusteet Am. Musecom of Colonel Ward served as Park Commissioner of Manhattan and Richmond from 1914 to 1917. He was born in New York City and received his A.B. degree from Har- natural History and vard in 1898. Three years later he was graduated from Harvard Law School. He practiced law in this city until metroplita Message Art 1905, when he was appointed Audi- tor General of Puerto Rico. Later he became president of the Execu- tive Council of Puerto Rico and Acting Governor. He was a mem- - Member of Century, University ber of the United States delegation to the Fourth Pan-American Con- gress at Buenos Aires in 1910, White hall, Bankers, Hanard, His War Service After his service as Park Com- missioner. Colonel Ward became active in the National Guard in this State. He was a member of the Chevy Chase Clubs, military commission studying anti- aircraft defense of cities in war zone and on French and British fronts in 1917. Later he served in the aviation section of the Signal Corps and in December, 1917, was appointed as- sistant chief of staff and chief of the intelligence section of the A. E.F. Colonel Ward was a prominent member of the Pan-American So- ciety, which he had served as vice president and chairman of the ex- ecutive committee He also had been on the executive committee of the Boy Scouts of America and a trus- tee of the American Museum of Natural History and of the Metro- Search th politan Museum of Art. ber Archive He was a member of the Univer- sitv. Century. City, Republican, Bankers, Harvard, Whitehall and Chevy Chase Clubs, Show article text (OCR) The names, logos, and other source identifying features of newspapers depicted in our database are the trademarks of their respective owners, and our use of newspaper content in the public domain or by private agreement does not imply any affiliation with, or endorsement from, the publishers of the newspaper titles that appear on our site. Newspapers.com makes these newspapers available or the purpose of historical research, and is not responsible for the content of any newspapers archived at our site.